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首页> 外文学位 >Watchdogs that do not Bite, Nets that do not Catch and 'Perps' Policing Themselves: Why Anti-Corruption Multi-Level Governance Efforts Fail in the Philippines.
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Watchdogs that do not Bite, Nets that do not Catch and 'Perps' Policing Themselves: Why Anti-Corruption Multi-Level Governance Efforts Fail in the Philippines.

机译：看门狗不咬人，网不抓人和“抓捕”警力：为什么菲律宾反腐败多层次治理工作失败。

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摘要

The transnational nature of grand corruption in developing countries, and its resistance to the onslaught of Anti-Corruption Multi-Level Governance (ACMLG) efforts over the past two decades, has been an increasing source of concern for the international community. More disturbing is why, despite vast resources devoted to such efforts, have corruption levels not gone down, particularly in the Philippines, a country celebrated for its return to democracy with the advent of the People Power Revolution that ousted the Marcos dictatorship. The hypothesis that ACMLG does not lower levels of corruption is tested by comparing and contrasting one country, the Philippines with five other countries of similar background to see what may account for similarity or differences in ACMLG outcomes. Quantitative and qualitative analyses are used in comparing the presence and activities of AC MLG such as international and national legal frameworks, government programs and agencies, and civil society participation to corruption indices reported by Transparency International's Corruption Perception Index, World Bank World Governance Indicator for Control of Corruption, Global Financial Integrity's Flow of Illicit Funds Index, Global Integrity Scorecard corruption score and the Bertelsmann Transformation Index. In addition, Philippine economic, social, and political correlates of corruption are compared and contrasted with select countries.;This research finds the economy and not politics or culture, to be the biggest predictor of corruption. Differences in elite behavior are also a predictor of corruption and area for more research. This answers in part why intensive political institution building has not produced the intended results in the short term. Moreover, this research found that ACMLG efforts did not factor in the reality of state capture by predatory elites in developing countries. It lacks logic to expect the main beneficiaries of corruption to themselves take action against their own interest. This research contributes to the body of knowledge by mapping and correlating relevant ACMLG efforts with measured levels of corruption to answer the question of whether or not and why such efforts have failed. The gaps in the body of knowledge in current anti-corruption strategies unearthed by this research brought forth new solutions. For example, the use of US qui tam laws, also known as Lincoln's law, enabling private citizens to have standing in filing suit on behalf of the state, may help curb corruption in developing countries.;Since this research found the core problem to be the unlikelihood of having the most powerful and corrupt to file suit against themselves, qui tam laws can potentially be the solution to this fundamental problem. Adam Smith's and James Madison's "greed to counter greed" formulation inspires this research's idea of "bounty hunters" tracking and recovering illicit wealth, cost being the biggest reason for failure. This research prescribes pre-emptive actions by reallocating resources from information and self evaluation strategies to successful litigations by shifting the burden of responsibility to multinationals, banks and financial institutions in first world countries, which are often the harbingers of and havens for stolen wealth. Also prescribed is an economic thrust to ACMLG efforts, such as debt forgiveness and restructurings as overlooked prescriptions and possibly the most effective anti-corruption initiatives.
机译：发展中国家大腐败的跨国性质以及对过去二十年来对反腐败多层次治理（ACMLG）努力的抵制一直是国际社会日益关注的问题。更令人不安的是，尽管投入了大量资源进行了此类努力，但腐败水平并未下降，特别是在菲律宾，菲律宾因人民权力革命的到来而罢免了马科斯独裁统治，该国以重返民主而庆祝。通过将一个国家，菲律宾与其他五个背景类似的国家进行比较和对比，检验了ACMLG不会降低腐败程度的假设，以了解可能导致ACMLG结果相似或不同的因素。定量和定性分析用于比较AC MLG的存在和活动，例如国际和国家法律框架，政府计划和机构，以及民间社会对透明度国际的腐败感知指数，世界银行《世界治理指标》报告的腐败指数的参与腐败，全球金融诚信的非法资金流量指数，全球诚信计分卡腐败评分和贝塔斯曼转型指数。此外，菲律宾与腐败的经济，社会和政治联系与选定的国家进行了比较和对比。这项研究发现经济而非政治或文化是腐败的最大预测指标。精英行为的差异也是腐败的预测因素，也是需要进一步研究的领域。这部分地回答了为什么密集的政治制度建设在短期内未取得预期的结果。此外，这项研究发现，ACMLG的努力并未考虑到发展中国家掠夺性精英对国家的俘获。缺乏期望腐败的主要受益者自己采取行动违背自己利益的逻辑。这项研究通过将相关的ACMLG努力与衡量的腐败水平进行映射和关联，从而回答了有关此类努力是否成功以及为何失败的问题，从而为知识体系做出了贡献。这项研究发现的当前反腐败策略中知识体系的空白提出了新的解决方案。例如，使用美国quitam法（又称林肯法），使私人公民能够代表国家提起诉讼，这可能有助于遏制发展中国家的腐败。由于这项研究发现核心问题是拥有最有权势和最腐败的人对自己提起诉讼的可能性不大，但最基本的法律可能是解决这一基本问题的方法。亚当·斯密（Adam Smith）和詹姆斯·麦迪逊（James Madison）的“贪婪反贪婪”表述激发了这项研究的“赏金猎人”追踪和追回非法财富的想法，成本是失败的最大原因。这项研究规定了先发制人的行动，方法是将信息和自我评估策略中的资源重新分配给成功的诉讼，方法是将责任负担转移给跨国公司，第一世界国家的银行和金融机构，这些国家往往是偷窃财富的先兆和避难所。还规定了ACMLG努力的经济动力，例如宽恕债务的债务和重组，以及可能是最有效的反腐败举措。

著录项

  • 作者

    Yllana, Grace.;

  • 作者单位

    University of Cincinnati.;

  • 授予单位 University of Cincinnati.;
  • 学科 Political science.;International relations.;Asian studies.;International law.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2013
  • 页码 585 p.
  • 总页数 585
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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