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Private foundation activism in the early school finance equalization movement: A case study of the Ford Foundation's grantmaking between 1966 and 1980.

机译：早期学校金融均等化运动中的私人基金会行动主义：以福特基金会（1966-1980年）的赠款为例。

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摘要

Until the mid-1960s it was taken for granted that educational funding in the U.S. was highly unequal. With heavy dependence upon property taxes and large geographic differences in property wealth, it was inevitable that a system of educational finance based largely on these characteristics would provide unequal funding for schools. Thereafter, school finance reformers began to assert that the system violated both state and federal constitutions, and particularly the "equal protection clauses" in their respective constitutions.;Because resources were needed to collect and analyze the facts underlying these legal challenges and to prepare legal strategies, it became common to request funding from philanthropic foundations. At the same time, and particularly after 1969, the regulations for tax-free status of private foundations and their grantees restricted their ability to be political players or activists in such matters.;The Ford Foundation, the largest foundation at that time, developed a program to support legal challenges to existing school finance equities. This dissertation reviews Ford's school finance grants between 1966 and 1980. It draws on interviews with the principals who participated in the grantmaking process or received grants, and on extensive archival research. It presents six mini-case studies of grantees to demonstrate which levers of activism they used, and reveals Ford's use of internal Delegated Authority Projects to support its own activism related to school financing. The cases show that Ford lacked a coordinated strategy in Texas, and that litigation in California ultimately forced a tax cap. However, Ford grantees generally used the activism levers of litigation and public engagement to good short-term effect, and Ford groomed leaders to ensure long-term impacts on school finance reform.;The study finds that Ford's grants, despite its activist reputation, were not violative of political restraints on private foundations.
机译：在1960年代中期之前，人们认为美国的教育经费高度不平等是理所当然的。由于严重依赖财产税，财产财富在地域上存在巨大差异，因此不可避免的是，主要基于这些特征的教育财政体系将为学校提供不平等的资金。此后，学校财务改革者开始断言该系统违反了州宪法和联邦宪法，特别是违反了各自宪法中的“平等保护条款”。因为需要资源来收集和分析这些法律挑战背后的事实并准备法律策略上，向慈善基金会寻求资金变得很普遍。同时，特别是在1969年之后，关于私人基金会及其受赠人免税地位的规定限制了他们在此类事务中成为政治参与者或活动家的能力。福特基金会是当时最大的基金会，计划以支持对现有学校财务股票的法律挑战。本文回顾了1966年至1980年间福特的学校财政拨款。它借鉴了参与拨款过程或获得拨款的校长的访谈，并进行了广泛的档案研究。它提供了六个受赠人的小型案例研究，以展示他们使用了哪些积极主义手段，并展示了福特使用内部授权代表项目来支持自己的与学校资助有关的积极主义。这些案例表明，福特在得克萨斯州缺乏协调的战略，而加利福尼亚州的诉讼最终导致了税收上限。但是，福特受助者通常使用诉讼和公众参与的行动主义手段来产生良好的短期效果，而福特则修饰领导者以确保对学校财务改革的长期影响。该研究发现，尽管福特获得了行动主义者的声誉，但其赠款仍然是不违反对私人基金会的政治限制。

著录项

  • 作者

    Bott, Marian Adams.;

  • 作者单位

    Teachers College, Columbia University.;

  • 授予单位 Teachers College, Columbia University.;
  • 学科 Education Finance.;Sociology Public and Social Welfare.;Education Policy.
  • 学位 Ed.D.
  • 年度 2012
  • 页码 440 p.
  • 总页数 440
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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