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The transnational practice and regulation of torture in the American 'war on terror': A portfolio of three law review articles.

机译:美国“反恐战争”中的跨国惯例和对酷刑的管制:包含三篇法律评论文章。

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摘要

U.S. use of torture and inhumane and degrading treatment in interrogating prisoners in the war on terror is well established. Linked to earlier harsh practices by the intelligence establishment, the U.S. established a torture culture in response to the "war on terrorism." So-called "harsh" or "alternative" interrogation techniques came to be accepted practices in the treatment of detainees. We have come to understand that, despite denials, this means using torture as an interrogation technique. Furthermore, revelations that the National Security Council, sitting in formal session, and with the specific approval by President Bush, micromanaged the interrogation of "high value" detainees, provides legal and political cover such that domestic and international prosecution will be difficult, if not impossible.;Finally, The United States knowingly and intentionally rendered people, some of whom were innocent of any connection to terrorism, to torture. Others simply disappeared. While the United States steadfastly denies that it rendered people to torture, evidence continues to accumulate that it indeed did so. These renditions have caused multiple legal, political and international problems for the United States. Although the Obama administration maintains the right to continue with extraordinary renditions, these international and domestic pressures make continuance of the Bush program unlikely. v;Moreover, passage of the Military Commissions Act of 2006 (MCA) retroactively excused certain potential breaches of the Geneva Conventions and provided some, but not absolute, insulation from prosecution by domestic courts. These specific interrogation techniques were vetted, case-by-case, in minute detail, by the nation's highest lawyers, and approved at the very top. Regardless of any potential gaps left by the MCA, domestic courts will not likely find that following such orders were "manifestly unlawful" as the law has developed since Nuremberg. Other nations will likely find it politically inexpedient to prosecute either high-level U.S. officials or low-level governmental employees. Thus, the U.S. may succeed in an end-run around any exercise of universal jurisdiction by any of the world's courts. However, this has not been without cost, and international pressures are combining to bring these practices to a halt.
机译:美国在反恐战争中讯问囚犯时使用酷刑和不人道及有辱人格的待遇已得到公认。为了与“反恐战争”相对应,美国将情报机构与早期的严厉做法联系起来,建立了一种酷刑文化。在对待被拘留者的过程中,所谓的“严厉”或“替代”审讯技术已成为公认的做法。我们已经了解到,尽管否认,但这意味着将酷刑作为讯问手段。此外,有消息显示,国家安全委员会在正式会议上,并在布什总统的特别批准下,对审理“高价值”被拘留者的审讯进行了微观管理,从而提供了法律和政治掩护,因此,如果不这样做,将难以对国内外进行起诉。最后,美国故意并故意使人民遭受酷刑,其中一些人与恐怖主义没有任何关系。其他人则不见了。尽管美国坚决否认它使人民遭受酷刑,但有证据继续表明确实如此。这些演义给美国带来了多个法律,政治和国际问题。尽管奥巴马政府保留继续进行非常规引渡的权利,但这些国际和国内压力使得布什计划的延续不可能实现。 v;此外,2006年《军事委员会法》(MCA)的通过可追溯地免除某些可能违反《日内瓦公约》的行为,并为国内法院的起诉提供了一些但并非绝对的保护。这些特定的询问技术由美国最高律师逐案详细审查,并获得最高层的批准。无论MCA留下任何潜在的空白,国内法院都不会发现遵循这样的命令是“自从纽伦堡以来制定的法律显然是“非法的”。其他国家可能会在政治上不方便起诉美国高级官员或低级政府雇员。因此,在世界上任何法院行使普遍管辖权的情况下,美国都可能最终获得成功。但是,这并不是没有代价的,国际压力正在加在一起,以制止这些做法。

著录项

  • 作者

    Clarke, Alan W.;

  • 作者单位

    York University (Canada).;

  • 授予单位 York University (Canada).;
  • 学科 Law.;Political Science General.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2010
  • 页码 197 p.
  • 总页数 197
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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