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To make America scientific: Science and democracy in American public culture, 1900--1950.

机译:使美国科学化:1900--1950年,美国公共文化中的科学与民主。

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摘要

Participants in contemporary public discourse routinely claim that early-twentieth-century American intellectuals, by adopting the practices, methods, and rhetorical style of science, abandoned their moral responsibility to society. I argue that today's scholars pay too much attention to individuals and institutions that sustain this narrative, ignoring those figures—particularly numerous in the interwar years—who believed that scientific thinking was a precondition for ethical social engagement. I demonstrate that between 1900 and 1950, prominent academic and public intellectuals invoked socially grounded, politically inflected definitions of science which built on an analogy between the production of scientific knowledge and the making of collective decisions in a republican polity. These “scientific republicans,” found throughout the disciplines and in the worlds of education, journalism, and government, believed that training the American population in the scientist's fabled independence of mind was the only way to maintain self-government in an industrially advanced nation. Mental independence was prerequisite to political independence, they thought, and the former was inextricably linked to science. By showing that the scientific republicans protested in vain against the institutions of science policy and technological innovation created during and after World War II by professionally oriented scientists, progressive industrialists, and stability-minded politicians and bureaucrats, I challenge the accounts of those scholars who indiscriminately blame all of the science enthusiasts of the early twentieth century for the military-industrial complex and the consumer-driven economy of the Cold War years. The scientific republicans of the interwar period envisaged something far different than the military-industrial state, but their hopes were never realized because American political discourse narrowed dramatically with the rise of domestic anticommunism. I maintain that contemporary critics of the university's social role would profit from a more sustained engagement with the vigorous but largely forgotten discourse on the social dimensions of knowledge which flourished in early-twentieth-century America.
机译:当代公共话语的参与者通常声称,二十世纪初的美国知识分子通过采用实践,方法和科学的修辞风格,放弃了对社会的道德责任。我认为,当今的学者过多地关注维持这种叙述的个人和机构,而忽略了那些认为科学思维是道德社会参与的先决条件的人物,尤其是在两次大战之间的年代。我证明,在1900年至1950年之间,杰出的学术和公共知识分子援引了具有社会根基,政治上受到影响的科学定义,这些定义建立在共和政体中科学知识的产生与集体决策之间的类比之上。这些“科学共和党人”遍布于各个学科以及在教育,新闻和政府领域,他们相信以科学家寓言般的思想独立性来训练美国人是在一个工业发达的国家维持自治的唯一途径。他们认为,精神独立是政治独立的前提,前者与科学有着千丝万缕的联系。通过证明科学共和党人对第二次世界大战期间及之后建立的科学政策和技术创新机构进行了徒劳的抗议,这些机构是由专业型科学家,进步的工业家以及具有稳定思想的政治家和官僚建立的,我对那些滥杀滥伤的学者的说法提出了挑战。将军事工业综合体和冷战时期的消费者驱动型经济归咎于20世纪初的所有科学爱好者。两次世界大战期间的科学共和党人设想的东西与军事工业国家大不相同,但是他们的希望没有实现,因为随着国内反共主义的兴起,美国的政治讨论范围急剧缩小。我坚持认为,对大学的社会角色的当代批评者将从与二十世纪初美国蓬勃发展的关于知识的社会维度的充满活力但基本上被人们遗忘的论述更加持久地接触中受益。

著录项

  • 作者

    Jewett, Andrew John.;

  • 作者单位

    University of California, Berkeley.;

  • 授予单位 University of California, Berkeley.;
  • 学科 History United States.; History of Science.; Education History of.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2002
  • 页码 915 p.
  • 总页数 915
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 美洲史;自然科学史;教育;
  • 关键词

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