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首页> 外文学位 >Public Law 108-25 (PEPFAR), U.S. foreign policy, and the HIV/AIDS pandemic in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA).
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Public Law 108-25 (PEPFAR), U.S. foreign policy, and the HIV/AIDS pandemic in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA).

机译：108-25公法（PEPFAR），美国外交政策以及撒哈拉以南非洲（SSA）的HIV / AIDS大流行。

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摘要

This qualitative dissertation applies three models of foreign policy analysis (FPA) to explain how U.S. foreign policy is constructed by examining the social, economic, and political motivations of Public Law 108-25 (PEPFAR) of 2003. The theoretical application is laid out followed by a thorough literature review of HIV/AIDS and development in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). In order to empirically link the pandemic to U.S. national interests, I highlight the securitization and salience of HIV/AIDS in U.S. foreign policy documents. Three research questions are explored: What are the links between U.S. national interests and the HIV/AIDS pandemic in Africa? How is HIV/AIDS framed and the problem represented in U.S. foreign policy documents at the key decision units (president, Congress, and executive branch agencies), and the role and competing policy preferences of a few selected key interests groups? How can we best explain U.S. HIV/AIDS policy towards Africa using the Rational Actor Model, the Bureaucratic Politics Model, and the Pluralist-Interest Group Politics Model? Both in theory and practice, I find that humanitarianism, national security, and economic self-interest all underline Public Law 108-25. They exist simultaneously or in competition---depending on the decision unit or interest group being analyzed.;By combining documents reviews and content analyses of presidential speeches, memos, directives, and State of the Union Addresses by President George W. Bush, the National Security Strategy of 2002 and 2006, and White House briefings and policy statements, and literature review, I demonstrate using rationality, why it was rational for the president to launch PEPFAR and to frame the HIV/AIDS pandemic through the humanitarian lens rather than the conventional national security lens that is paramount in U.S. national interests. Although HIV/AIDS is of genuine concern to U.S. policy-makers, I provide empirical evidence to demonstrate why framing it through the humanitarian lens serves as the pretext of explicit U.S. national security objectives in SSA.;A content analysis of the Congressional Record and transcripts of committee and sub-committee hearings of the House of Representatives and the Senate during the 106th, 107th, and 108 th Congresses on HIV/AIDS and Africa and literature review are used to demonstrate the issue-frames employed by the congresspersons, their enunciated policy preferences, and the ideological and bureaucratic politics driving Public Law 108-25. At the executive branch agencies level, I provide documentary evidence detailing the importance of organizational culture-competence and bureaucratic politics in the framing, the approach and the ensuing implementation of Public Law 108-25 because each agency has crafted its own foreign policy agenda to further its organizational goals. Against this backdrop and resident in the policy sciences literature are found problems of policy coordination and implementation at the inter-agency level. The study demonstrates through documentary evidence, the frames, the policy preferences, and the roles played by domestic politics and selected interest groups in Public Law 108-25. The study finds that the key beneficiaries of Public Law 108-25 are organized interest groups and the policy making decision units. By drawing insights from the current research, the study provides policy lessons and recommendations to improve U.S. HIV/AIDS policy. It delineates the contours for future research.
机译：该定性论文运用三种外交政策分析模型（FPA），通过研究2003年《公法108-25》（PEPFAR）的社会，经济和政治动机来解释美国的外交政策是如何构成的。通过对撒哈拉以南非洲（SSA）的HIV / AIDS与发展的详尽文献回顾。为了将这种流行病与美国的国家利益进行实证关联，我在美国外交政策文件中强调了艾滋病毒/艾滋病的证券化和重要性。探讨了三个研究问题：美国的国家利益与非洲的HIV / AIDS大流行之间有什么联系？如何在关键决策部门（总统，国会和行政部门机构）的美国外交政策文件中对艾滋病毒/艾滋病的框架和问题进行表述，以及几个选定的关键利益集团的角色和竞争性政策偏好？我们如何使用理性行为者模型，官僚政治模型和多元利益集团政治模型来最好地解释美国对非洲的艾滋病毒/艾滋病政策？无论从理论上还是实践上，我都发现人道主义，国家安全和经济自身利益都是公共法108-25的重点。它们同时存在或竞争存在-取决于所分析的决策单位或利益集团。通过结合总统乔治·W·布什总统讲话，备忘录，指示和国情咨文的文件审查和内容分析，我使用理性证明了2002年和2006年的《国家安全战略》，白宫的情况介绍和政策声明以及文献回顾，为什么总统发起PEPFAR并通过人道主义的视角而不是通过人道主义的手段来策划HIV / AIDS大流行是合理的对美国国家利益至关重要的常规国家安全镜头。尽管艾滋病毒/艾滋病是美国决策者真正关心的问题，但我提供了经验证据，以证明为什么通过人道主义视角来构筑艾滋病毒/艾滋病是美国在SSA中明确的国家安全目标的借口。第106、107和108届国会关于艾滋病毒/艾滋病和非洲的众议院和参议院的听证会，以及文献复习被用来证明国会议员所采用的议题框架，其阐述的政策偏好以及推动公法108-25的意识形态和官僚政治。在行政部门机构层面，我提供了书面证据，详细说明了组织文化能力和官僚政治在框架，方法和随后实施公法108-25中的重要性，因为每个机构都制定了自己的外交政策议程以进一步其组织目标。在这种背景下，政策科学文献中的常住人员被发现在机构间一级进行政策协调和实施的问题。该研究通过书面证据证明了框架，政策偏好以及国内政治和特定利益集团在《公法108-25》中的作用。研究发现，公法108-25的主要受益者是有组织的利益集团和决策机构。通过从当前研究中汲取见识，该研究提供了政策教训和建议，以改善美国的HIV / AIDS政策。它勾勒出未来研究的轮廓。

著录项

  • 作者

    Sagala, John Kemoli.;

  • 作者单位

    Northern Arizona University.;

  • 授予单位 Northern Arizona University.;
  • 学科 Health Sciences Public Health.;Political Science General.;Sociology Public and Social Welfare.;Sub Saharan Africa Studies.;Political Science International Relations.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2010
  • 页码 341 p.
  • 总页数 341
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 新闻学、新闻事业;
  • 关键词

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