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首页> 外文学位 >VOICES IN A SILENCE: AMERICAN ORGANIZATIONS THAT WORKED FOR DIPLOMATIC RECOGNITION OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA BY THE UNITED STATES, 1945-1979.
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VOICES IN A SILENCE: AMERICAN ORGANIZATIONS THAT WORKED FOR DIPLOMATIC RECOGNITION OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA BY THE UNITED STATES, 1945-1979.

机译：默默地说出声音：美国在1945-1979年间对中国人民进行外交承认的组织。

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摘要

This dissertation examined the activities of five American organizations which advocated diplomatic recognition of the People's Republic of China by the United States from 1945 to 1979. Since James Rosenau believes that interest groups perform four functions in foreign policy-making in a democracy--vetoing or suggesting policy alternatives; consulting or advising public officials on issues or impacts; articulating choices to the public; and calling attention to policy questions by bringing them up for discussion--this dissertation sought to determine whether organizations performed these functions while addressing the unusual, controversial, and resistant issue of American relations with the People's Republic. The question of whether direct contacts with the People's Republic were important resources to the organizations was investigated. Information that could suggest or confirm the impact organizations had on the decision to recognize China was also sought.;Personal interviews and correspondence with activists, founders, officers, and staff members of the organizations were done. Archives, files, memoirs, publications, and similar sources (some heretofore not made public) were consulted to discover the rationale, nature, and extent of activities conducted on behalf of recognition. Relevant public documents and official accounts were consulted to ascertain any nexus between groups and decision-makers.;In general, the groups performed the functions outlined by Rosenau, although his approach does not take into account the severe sanctions imposed on some organizations, nor the cumulative nature of progress on this issue. Education of the public was the primary activity of the groups. Organizations developed sound alternatives to nonrecognition, presented them to the public and to officials. The Committee for a Democractic Far Eastern Policy, the National Committee on U.S.-China Relations, and the Friends Committee for National Legislation enjoyed consultation with officials, more so than the other groups. Many of the activists interviewed were undeterred by opposition and persevered because they felt American interests would be better served by official relations with China. Contacts with citizens of the People's Republic were resources valuable primarily to the U.S.-China Peoples Friendship Association and the National Committee on U.S.-China Relations; contacts were valuable to individual activists in all organizations.;Conclusions regarding the impact these groups had on the eventual recognition of China was difficult to assess. The groups were a positive presence urging relations and recognition, they provided needed public education on the issues, and played a valuable role in the pivotal debates over Sino-American policy in the 1960's and the early 1970's. However, they were but one element in the mix of factors--strategic, commerical, and political--that were considered in the final decision to recognize the People's Republic.;The five organizations are: the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy, a progressive organization that was formed in 1945 and dissolved in 1952, during the McCarthy era; that National Committee on U.S.-China Relations, formed in 1966; The U.S.-China Peoples Friendship Association, formed in 1971; and the U.S.-China policy related activities organized by the National Council of Churches, and the Quakers (through the Friends Committee on National Legislation and the American Friends Service Committee).
机译：本论文研究了五个美国组织的活动，这些组织主张从1945年至1979年获得美国对中华人民共和国的外交承认。由于詹姆斯·罗森瑙（James Rosenau）认为，利益集团在民主决策中扮演着四个职能，即否决权或否决权。建议政策选择；就问题或影响向公职人员提供咨询或咨询；向公众阐明选择；并通过提请他们进行讨论来引起人们对政策问题的关注-本论文旨在确定组织是否在解决美国与中华人民共和国关系中不寻常，有争议和抗拒的问题的同时履行了这些职能。调查了与中华人民共和国的直接接触是否是该组织的重要资源的问题。还寻求了可以暗示或证实组织对承认中国的决定产生影响的信息。；进行了个人访谈以及与组织的积极分子，创始人，官员和职员的往来。查阅了档案，文件，回忆录，出版物和类似资源（某些至今尚未公开），以发现代表认可进行的活动的理由，性质和程度。咨询了相关的公共文件和官方帐目，以确定小组与决策者之间是否存在任何联系。通常，小组执行Rosenau概述的职能，尽管Rosenau的做法未考虑对某些组织施加的严厉制裁，也未考虑在这个问题上的累积进展性质。公众教育是这些群体的主要活动。组织开发了不承认的合理选择，并将其介绍给公众和官员。远东民主政策委员会，美中关系全国委员会和国家立法之友委员会与官员的磋商比其他群体更为积极。接受采访的许多激进主义者并没有受到反对派的阻挠，并且坚持不懈，因为他们认为，与中国建立正式关系会更好地维护美国的利益。与中华人民共和国公民的接触是宝贵的资源，主要对美中人民友好协会和美中关系全国委员会具有重要意义；接触对于所有组织中的个人维权人士都是宝贵的。；关于这些组织对最终承认中国的影响的结论很难评估。这些团体是一个积极的存在，敦促彼此之间的关系和认可，他们提供了有关这些问题的必要的公众教育，并在1960年代和1970年代初期关于中美政策的关键性辩论中发挥了重要作用。但是，它们只是在承认中华人民共和国的最终决定中考虑的各种因素（战略，商业和政治因素）中的一个。五个组织是：民主远东民主政策委员会，麦卡锡时代的进步组织，于1945年成立并于1952年解散； 1966年成立的美中关系全国委员会；美中人民友谊协会，成立于1971年；以及由美国全国教堂理事会和贵格会组织的中美政策相关活动（通过国家立法之友委员会和美国之友服务委员会）。

著录项

  • 作者

    KERPEN, KAREN SHAW.;

  • 作者单位

    New York University.;

  • 授予单位 New York University.;
  • 学科 Political Science General.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 1981
  • 页码 263 p.
  • 总页数 263
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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