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Nuclearization as National Security: A Comparative Analysis of Framing and Frame Building in Indian and Pakistani Newspapers

机译：核化是国家安全：印度和巴基斯坦报纸框架和框架构建的比较分析

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摘要

Global politics is a complex game, particularly when conflict dominates the relationship between countries. South Asia is no different as both India and Pakistan have fought four wars since achieving independence from the British in 1947. Both countries have acquired nuclear capability but the tense nature of the bilateral relationship has given rise to fears of a potential nuclear war in the region. There were hopes of a thaw in relationship after the new governments assumed power following the general elections in Pakistan (2013) and in India (2014). However, these hopes were quickly dashed following an escalation in cross-border firing incidents along the line of control (LoC) in the Kashmir valley. The status of Kashmir valley has become a flashpoint of bilateral conflict between India and Pakistan. Both India and Pakistan occupy parts of the valley and blame each other for illegal occupation and infiltration to justify the use of aggressive tactics. India and Pakistan have a collective population of close to 1.5 billion (almost twenty percent of the global population). Both countries rank consistently low on human development and press freedom indices, but the respective governments in India and Pakistan continue to divert large chunks of their annual budgets for defense-related expenditures instead of providing better health, education, and infrastructure facilities to their citizen. In such a scenario, the media's role in framing this conflict becomes critical. It merits attention to explore whether the media is part of the problem or part of the solution.;Therefore, this dissertation applies Galtung's (2002) peace journalism model to the coverage of Kashmir conflict during 2016. The news coverage of the Uri attack on September 18, 2016 in the Indian-administered Kashmir that killed 16 Indian soldiers and the Bhimber attack in the Pakistani-administered Kashmir that killed seven Pakistan soldiers was chosen for the content analysis to explore how the English-language newspapers in India and Pakistan (three top-circulating newspapers in each country) framed the bilateral conflict. The findings showed that the coverage in both India and Pakistan had a similar pattern. It was primarily episodic, was using mainly conflict frames and lacking focus on solutions of the conflict, was relying on official sources to further the national security narrative prevalent in each country, and was showing a clear tendency to promote war journalism at the cost of marginalizing the human cost of war.;The second part of the analysis in this dissertation was based on interviews with journalists (15 each from India and Pakistan) to explore the processes attached to frame-building. The journalists were asked questions about the framing of stories related to bilateral conflict and which factors were likely to affect this coverage. They were also asked about the presence of pressure groups, censorship, organizational policy, alternatives available, and suggestions for improvement in the standards of coverage. The responses indicated that news television had gained a place of prominence in each country and was driving the content of print and social media as well. It was revealed that the private media ownership structure in both India and Pakistan, backed by big media houses, was aggravating the situation. The media owners in India were found to be hand in glove with the religious right-wing that had seen a rise in Indian mainstream politics after 2014 elections while the media owners in Pakistan had a nexus with the powerful military establishment in their country. The journalists revealed during the interviews that these media owners were getting good ratings on television by focusing on bilateral conflict, which meant good business, while they were able to use that clout in the ruling establishments for tax breaks and other benefits as well. The journalists generally did not express much hope in the track-II dialogues or social media as an alternative forum unless the overall environment between both countries improved. It was surprising that the interviewed journalists showed little concern about what impact such coverage could likely have on the public perception. (Abstract shortened by ProQuest.).
机译：全球政治是一个复杂的游戏，尤其是当冲突主导着国家之间的关系时。自1947年脱离英国独立以来，印度和巴基斯坦都进行了四次战争，因此南亚也没有什么不同。两国都拥有核能力，但是双边关系的紧张性质引起了对该地区潜在核战争的担忧。 。在巴基斯坦（2013年）和印度（2014年）举行大选之后，新政府上台后，人们希望两国关系解冻。但是，随着克什米尔山谷控制线（LoC）越境射击事件的升级，这些希望很快就破灭了。克什米尔山谷的地位已成为印度和巴基斯坦之间双边冲突的闪光点。印度和巴基斯坦都占领了该山谷的部分地区，并为非法占领和渗透而互相指责，以证明采取侵略性战术是合理的。印度和巴基斯坦的总人口接近15亿（几乎占全球人口的20％）。两国在人类发展和新闻自由指数上一直处于低位，但是印度和巴基斯坦各自的政府继续将其年度预算中的很大一部分用于国防相关支出，而不是为其公民提供更好的健康，教育和基础设施。在这种情况下，媒体在构建此冲突中的作用至关重要。值得探讨的是探索媒体是问题的一部分还是解决方案的一部分。因此，本文将加尔通（2002）的和平新闻模型应用于2016年克什米尔冲突的报道。9月Uri袭击的新闻报道2016年18月18日在印度控制的克什米尔地区杀死16名印度士兵的事件以及巴基斯坦控制的克什米尔地区的Bhimber袭击均杀死了7名巴基斯坦士兵的事件被选择用于内容分析，以探讨印度和巴基斯坦的英语报纸（三大各国的报纸流传）构成了双边冲突。调查结果表明，印度和巴基斯坦的覆盖率具有相似的模式。它主要是情节性的，主要使用冲突框架，缺乏对冲突解决方案的关注，依靠官方资料来促进每个国家普遍存在的国家安全叙事，并且显示出明显的趋势，以牺牲边缘化为代价来促进战争新闻业的发展。论文的分析的第二部分是基于对记者（分别来自印度和巴基斯坦的15名记者）的采访，以探讨与框架建立相关的过程。向记者询问有关与双边冲突有关的故事的构架以及哪些因素可能影响这一报道的问题。他们还被问及是否存在压力小组，审查制度，组织政策，可用的替代方案以及改善覆盖标准的建议。答复表明，新闻电视在每个国家都占有重要地位，并且也在推动印刷和社交媒体的内容。据透露，印度和巴基斯坦的私人媒体所有权结构得到大型媒体公司的支持正在加剧这种情况。人们发现，印度的媒体所有者与宗教右翼有密切的联系，后者在2014年大选后看到了印度主流政治的崛起，而巴基斯坦的媒体所有者则与该国强大的军事机构息息相关。记者在采访中透露，这些媒体拥有者通过关注双边冲突而在电视上获得了良好的收视率，这意味着生意不错，同时他们也能够利用统治机构的影响力获得税收减免和其他好处。除非两国之间的整体环境得到改善，否则记者们对第二轨道对话或社交媒体作为替代论坛并不抱太大希望。令人惊讶的是，被采访的记者几乎没有担心这种报道可能会对公众的看法产生什么影响。 （摘要由ProQuest缩短。）。

著录项

  • 作者

    Saleem, Awais.;

  • 作者单位

    The Florida State University.;

  • 授予单位 The Florida State University.;
  • 学科 Communication.;Political science.;Mass communication.;Journalism.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2017
  • 页码 210 p.
  • 总页数 210
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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