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首页> 外文学位 >Deliberate improvisation: The governance of highway franchises in Santiago, Chile 1990--2005.
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Deliberate improvisation: The governance of highway franchises in Santiago, Chile 1990--2005.

机译：蓄意即兴：1990--2005年智利圣地亚哥的高速公路特许经营权的治理。

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摘要

Chile's post-authoritarian governments built several urban highways in a relatively short period of time despite a history of under-funded public works initiatives and a swell of anti-highway neighborhood-level protests. Within this context of remarkable planning capacity and conflict, this dissertation asks two central questions. First, how do neoliberal economic strategies and post-authoritarian democratic politics converge to manage economic and social order? Second, what emerges from the interplay of these strategies and public debate over highway planning? In the early 1990s, the democratically elected government of Patricio Aylwin created a legal and institutional framework that transformed certain public works projects into commodities, thrust the Ministry of Public Works into planning, brokering and regulating those commodities, and made private capital a preferred partner in planning. Boosters of the state's infrastructure concessions system, a build-operate-transfer scheme for public works projects such as highways and airports, contend that its capacity to quickly generate long-needed projects is linked to the government's adherence to principles of collaboration, transparency, and accountability in the planning process. Those principles, however, only apply to a narrow set of actors and select stages of the planning process, and also conceal equally important aspects of the system that are divisive and opaque, thereby helping to precipitate a crippling surge of protests against the system.;In this dissertation, I argue that Chile's concessions system may be better understood through the lens of what I call 'deliberate improvisation', the conscious decision to control without a full plan. Deliberate improvisation is a manifestation of sovereignty, the power to 'determine the state of exception' and to hold on to the 'monopoly to decide.' It is ultimately a demonstration of the Chilean state's capacity to create and enforce a set of exceptions to the country's planning and political regime to achieve a laser-like focus on a single priority issue and partnership. The state's exception is not simply the commodification of some public works projects and the creation of an entrepreneurial and flexible state agency within a pre-existing developmentalist bureaucracy; it is also the determination of what the state will and will not plan.;Through the lens of deliberate improvisation it is possible to understand how the Chilean state could quickly transform the country's urban and political landscape. Institutionally, the price for Chile and Santiago's infrastructure development has been the state's struggle to develop mechanisms that can order and manage public debate and dissent across a highly differentiated urban terrain and around projects meant for the greater good of the country. The state on the one hand has adapted and expanded its bureaucracy to include public participation in different stages of its policy making process. On the other hand, it has also taken to paying, greening and tunneling its way out of the controversies generated by its highways and its decision to plan without a full plan. Politically, citizens have mobilized in both old and familiar ways by blockading construction sites, marching through public spaces, and invoking images of foreign meddling in national affairs. They have also experimented with new forms of protests and organization, especially by crossing traditional political party and class orders, pitting the municipal and central governments against one another, and challenging the state on the interpretation and spirit of its own laws. The concessions system and deliberate improvisation set the stage for an uneven battle between local residents easily portrayed as self-interested, and a government looking out for the greater good. Depending on the resources available to those protesting the government's project, this literally and figuratively uneven playing field may further deflect the discussion of relevant policy issues or trivialize it by virtue of its association to a merely localized conflict. Finally, deliberate improvisation points a critical eye towards the ways that this mode of governance undermines democratic goals and practices in a country that has only recently re-embraced the ideals of democracy.
机译：尽管历史上公共工程计划资金不足，而且反高速公路邻里抗议活动激增，但智利的专制后政府还是在较短的时间内建立了几条城市高速公路。在计划能力和冲突显着的背景下，本文提出了两个核心问题。首先，新自由主义经济战略和后专制民主政治如何融合来管理经济和社会秩序？第二，这些策略与公路规划公众辩论的相互作用会产生什么？在1990年代初期，帕特里西奥·艾尔文（Patricio Aylwin）民主选举产生的政府创建了一个法律和体制框架，将某些公共工程项目转变为商品，迫使公共工程部计划，中介和监管这些商品，并使私人资本成为该地区的首选合作伙伴。规划。该州基础设施特许权体系的助推器，是针对高速公路和机场等公共工程项目的建造，运营和转让计划，认为其快速生成长期需要的项目的能力与政府对合作，透明和规划过程中的问责制。但是，这些原则仅适用于少数参与者，并选择计划过程的各个阶段，并且还掩盖了系统中同样重要的，分裂的和不透明的方面，从而有助于引发对系统的抗议活动。在本文中，我认为，可以通过我所谓的“故意即兴”的镜头来更好地理解智利的让步制度，即有意识地决定在没有全面计划的情况下进行控制。故意即兴创作是主权的体现，是“确定例外状态”并坚持“垄断决定”的权力。最终，这证明了智利有能力制定和执行该国计划和政治制度的一系列例外情况，以实现对单个优先事项和伙伴关系的激光般的关注。国家的例外不仅是一些公共工程项目的商品化，还包括在已经存在的发展主义官僚机构中建立一个具有企业家精神和灵活的国家机构；通过有意即兴创作的镜头，可以了解智利政府如何迅速改变该国的城市和政治格局。从制度上讲，智利和圣地亚哥基础设施建设的代价一直是该州努力开发一种机制，该机制可以命令和管理公众辩论，并在高度差异化的城市地区和旨在实现该国更大利益的项目周围提出异议。一方面，国家已经调整并扩大了官僚机构，以使其公众参与其决策过程的不同阶段。另一方面，它也采取了付费，绿化和隧道化的方式，以摆脱高速公路带来的争议，以及没有全面计划就做出计划的决定。在政治上，公民通过封锁建筑工地，在公共场所游行以及援引外国干预国家事务的形象，以古老和熟悉的方式动员起来。他们还尝试了新的抗议活动和组织形式，特别是通过打破传统的政党和阶级秩序，使市政府和中央政府相互对抗，并以其自身法律的解释和精神挑战国家。优惠制度和故意的即兴创作为容易被描绘成自私自利的当地居民与政府谋求更大利益之间的不平衡战斗打下了基础。根据抗议政府项目的人可获得的资源，这种字面上和象征性的不公平竞争环境可能会进一步偏转相关政策问题的讨论，或者由于其与仅是局部冲突的联系而使其微不足道。最后，故意的即兴创作使这种批评方式破坏了这种方式破坏一个刚刚重新体现民主理想的国家的民主目标和做法的方式。

著录项

  • 作者

    Silva, Enrique Rodrigo.;

  • 作者单位

    University of California, Berkeley.;

  • 授予单位 University of California, Berkeley.;
  • 学科 History Latin American.;Transportation.;Urban and Regional Planning.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2008
  • 页码 402 p.
  • 总页数 402
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 拉丁美洲;综合运输;区域规划、城乡规划;
  • 关键词

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