Debates in the anthropology of pilgrimage are often centred around the pilgrim/tourist binary, whilereligious commodities are said to collapse the distinction between substance and appearance. Thepresent study is based on fieldwork conducted on two sub-routes of the Camino de Santiago: the Caminofrancés in northern Spain, and the Via podiensis in southern France. In highlighting the role ofmovement, the way can be considered the goal. Drawing on literature on infrastructure, I contrastEuropean cultural hegemony with ‘the spirit of the Camino’, which I conceptualize as pilgrim-agency.Commoditization, framed around locality, dominates in small municipalities that depend on externalsupport, whereas ‘particular’ owners of g?tes and albergues conduct a form of gift-exchange rooted inthe ‘spirit of the Camino’. The Camino can thus be classified as a distinct place enacted by the pilgrimthrough contrasting processes of selective attention to and fetishization of the path. Finally, I refer toActor Network Theory to combine the actors and processes previously analysed into a cohesiveframework. As an actor-network, the Camino comes to stand on its own, losing its ‘European’ notion;yet it extends over its particularity. This ANT framework can be applied to the concept of agency(entailing attribution), but it also transcends the New Age notion of ‘I’ and, when applied to pilgrim’sbeliefs, comes to unite contrasting motifs. Such an approach highlights the fact that anthropologicalresearch need not be stuck on fixed binaries.
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机译：朝圣者的人类学辩论通常以朝圣者/旅游二进制为中心，据说形状崩溃的文物和外观之间的区别。实证研究基于Camino de Santiago的两条小航线进行的实地工作：西班牙北部的Caminofrancés，以及法国南部的Via Podiensis。在突出以下作用时，可以考虑到目标。关于基础设施的文学，我对“Camino的精神”的束缚文化霸权，我将其视为朝圣者的概念化，围绕地区框架，占据了依赖于外部化的小型城市，而“特定”的总体TES和Albergues在“Camino的精神”中进行了一种礼品交易所。因此，Camino可以被归类为由朝圣的对比过程所赋予的独特场所，其对比的对比过程和路径的恋物癖化。最后，我提到了吸引力网络理论，将先前分析到凝聚力的演员和过程结合到凝聚力。作为一个演员网络，Camino可以自己站起来，失去它的“欧洲的概念;然而它延伸了其特殊性。这个蚂蚁框架可以应用于代理商的概念（需要归因），但它也会超越“我”的新年龄概念，而且，当适用于朝圣者时，这取决于联合对比的主题。这样的方法突出了人类学学习所需的事实，不需要坚持固定的二进制文件。
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