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While Rome burns

机译:罗马燃烧时

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DAVID CAMERON was never going to lose the House of Commons vote on October 24th on whether Britain should hold a referendum on its membership of the European Union (eu). The Labour Party, which shared his opposition to the idea, ensured that he wouldn't. The motion, put forward by one of the many Eu-rosceptic mps in the prime minister's Conservative Party, would not have been binding for the government in any case. In and of itself, then, the vote was not very important. But it did reveal several things that are. First, it exposed the scale of Euroscepticism in the Tory party: 81 of its mps defied both Mr Cameron's pleas and a three-line whip to support the motion. It envisaged a plebiscite with three options on the ballot: remaining in the eu, outright withdrawal, and renegotiation of the terms of British membership. This was the biggest ever Tory rebellion over Europe, no mean feat. In a free vote, still more mps would have voted for a referendum. In the 1980s and 1990s the Tories were split between pro-Europeans and those who feared a loss of sovereignty to Brussels. Most of the former, who were moved in their youth by the post-war idealism of the European project, have retired from front-line politics. Only Ken Clarke, the justice secretary, is left from a group that included cabinet ministers such as Michael Heseltine and Chris Patten. These days Tories disagree only on how to go about achieving their Eurosceptic aims.
机译:戴维·卡梅隆(David CAMERON)绝不会在10月24日失去下议院关于英国是否应就其欧盟成员资格进行全民投票的投票。工党对此表示反对,并保证不会。总理保守党中许多欧盟议员提出的议案无论如何对政府没有约束力。因此,投票本身并不是很重要。但是它确实揭示了一些事实。首先,它暴露了保守党对欧洲怀疑主义的规模:其81名议员无视卡梅伦先生的请求和三行鞭子以支持该动议。它设想了一次全民投票,在投票中有三个选择:继续留在欧盟,直接撤军和重新谈判英国的任期。这是保守党对欧洲的最大叛乱,绝非易事。在自由投票中,将有更多的议员投票支持全民投票。保守党在1980年代和1990年代分裂为亲欧洲的国家和那些担心失去对布鲁塞尔主权的国家。大部分前者因战后欧洲计划的理想主义而在年轻时动摇,他们已经从一线政治中退休。只有司法部长肯·克拉克(Ken Clarke)离开了包括内阁大臣(如迈克尔·赫塞尔廷和克里斯·帕滕)在内的一个小组。如今,保守党只在如何实现其欧洲怀疑论目标上存在分歧。

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    《The economist》 |2011年第8757期|p.57|共1页
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