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Left, right, left

机译：左，右，左

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The Germans invented the word Zeitgeist, but anyone hoping that their latest election would confirm a new "spirit of the age" in Europe will have been disappointed. In the past year or so, a clear trend seemed visible. Left-wing governments were ousted by the right in Italy, France, the Netherlands, Denmark, Portugal and Norway. Germany looked like the next and biggest domino to fall. But though Gerhard Schroeder's "red-Green" coalition wobbled, it refused to topple. Just the week before Mr Schroder's victory, Sweden's Social Democrats also bucked the trend, easily winning another stint in office. Now Austria's Social Democrats have a chance of regaining power later this year. So much for Europe's inexorable move to the right. The broader truth, however, is that on the big economic and social issues facing Europe the differences between centre-right and centre-left―between Christian democracy and social democracy-are pretty paltry. Certainly the right is still closer to business, the left to the trade unions. But the resulting differences in policy have more to do with nuance than deep philosophy. In Germany, for example, Edmund Stoiber on the right proposed a top rate of income tax of 40%, while Mr Schroder wants to bring it down to 42%. Mr Stoiber said the state should consume no more than 40% of GDP, Mr Schroder stuck to his own favourite number, 42%. Economists and businessmen may clamour for a drastic revamp of Germany's generous welfare state and for decisive moves to tackle public pensions, but neither candidate was prepared to risk suggesting anything daring. As Mr Stoiber drily remarked, he had not noticed anyone demonstrating for a radical overhaul of social security.
机译：德国人发明了Zeitgeist这个词，但是任何希望他们的最新选举能够确认欧洲新的“时代精神”的人都会失望。在过去的一年左右的时间里，明显的趋势似乎可见。在意大利，法国，荷兰，丹麦，葡萄牙和挪威，左翼政府被右翼推翻。德国看起来像是下一个也是最大的多米诺骨牌倒台。但是尽管格哈德·施罗德的“红绿”联盟摇摇欲坠，但它拒绝推翻。在施罗德获胜前一周，瑞典的社会民主党人也逆势而上，轻松赢得了另一个任期。现在，奥地利的社会民主党人有机会在今年晚些时候重新掌权。对于欧洲坚定不移地向右迈进，意义非凡。然而，更广泛的事实是，在欧洲面临的重大经济和社会问题上，基督教民主制与社会民主制之间的中右偏左差异很小。当然，右派离工会更近，左派离工会更近。但是，由此产生的政策差异与细微差别更多的是深层次的哲学。例如，在德国，右翼的埃德蒙·斯托伯建议将最高所得税率提高到40％，而施罗德则希望将所得税率降低到42％。斯托伯先生说，该州的消费不应超过GDP的40％，施罗德坚持自己最喜欢的数字42％。经济学家和商人可能会大声疾呼，对德国慷慨的福利国家进行大刀阔斧的改革，并采取果断措施解决公共养老金问题，但没有人愿意冒险提出任何胆大的建议。正如斯托伯先生开玩笑地说的那样，他没有注意到有人对社会保障进行彻底改革。

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