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首页> 外文期刊>Faravid >Neuvostoliitto paljastaa pahan juonet. Neuvostoretoriikka YK:n turvallisuusneuvostossa Palestiinan kriisin yhteydessä 1948
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Neuvostoliitto paljastaa pahan juonet. Neuvostoretoriikka YK:n turvallisuusneuvostossa Palestiinan kriisin yhteydessä 1948

机译:苏联揭示了邪恶的阴谋。 1948年巴勒斯坦危机中苏联在联合国安理会的言论

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摘要

The Palestinian crisis broke out into large-scale warfare on May 14th, 1948 when the Palestinian Jews declared the independence of Israel. Egypt, Iraq, Lebanon, and Transjordan reacted with immediate military operations against Israel. Of the great powers, the United States and the Soviet Union formally recognized Israel a few days after the Israeli declaration of independence was made. France and China and most of the other UN member states decided to choose the policy of "wait and see", while Great Britain for its part embraced a policy of supporting the Arab states. Heated battles continued in Palestine into early June until both sides had reached a deadlock and agreed to a tenuous cease-fire. The Soviet Union was by far the most active member of the Security Council during the crisis: its representatives gave 13 lengthy speeches. The total number and length of the Soviet speeches indicates the importance of the crisis in the eyes of the Soviets: it was actively working to influence the outcome of the situation in Palestine. It was logical that the actual parties to the dispute, Israel and the Arab states, would use their opportunities in the Security Council to blame the opposing side for causing the conflict. The Soviet Union, however, may also be grouped with these parties for its continual use of aggressive rhetoric, which was a striking difference compared to the other permanent members of the Security Council. The Soviet speeches clearly pointed out the guilty party and the Soviet speakers openly expressed their profound inability to understand that party's actions. The complexion of the Palestinian Crisis in the Soviet speeches, however, was not an entirely black-and-white situation, rather, for political and strategic reasons, it contained shades of grey. Nor in the Soviet opinion were there any truly innocent parties, excepting of course the Soviet Union itself, trying its best to help impartially from the sidelines. The Soviet Union's strategic aims concerning the Palestinian Crisis was to undermine Great Britain's position as the most influential actor in the region. Of Israel, the Soviets hoped to gain an ally for itself, and a bridgehead into the Middle East. Instability resulting from a partition of Palestine too favored the Soviets hand, because it offered the possibility to send negotiators, inspectors and peace keepers to the Middle East, in other words, a pretext for placing Soviet troops in the region. On the other hand, though, the Soviet Union wanted to avoid appearing to support one side over the other, indeed preserving the best possible terms with the Arab states was one of its primary soviet aims. These underlying aims, working in the background, go a long way in explaining why the Soviet Union's representatives chose the particular rhetoric they did in the Security Council sessions in the early stages of the conflict in Palestine in May and June of 1948.%Palestiinan alueella on pian sadan vuoden ajan vallinnut jännittynyt olotila, joka on purkautunut useita kertoja paikallisina sotina sekä muina levottomuuksina ja yleisenä yhteiskunnallisena epävakautena. Voidaan siten puhua poikkeuksellisen pitkäaikaisesta, eri intensiteettitasoja sisältävästä konfliktista. Tämän pitkittyneen konfliktin intensiivisimpiä vaiheita voidaan myös nimittää kriiseiksi, joista yksi huomattavimmista liittyi Israelin julistautumiseen itsenäiseksi keväällä 1948.
机译:1948年5月14日,巴勒斯坦犹太人宣布以色列独立,巴勒斯坦危机爆发了大规模战争。埃及,伊拉克,黎巴嫩和特乔丹对以色列立即采取了军事行动。在大国中,以色列宣布独立后几天,美国和苏联正式承认以色列。法国和中国以及联合国其他大多数成员国决定选择“观望”政策,而英国则拥护支持阿拉伯国家的政策。巴勒斯坦的激烈战斗一直持续到6月初,直到双方陷入僵局并达成微弱的停火协议。到目前为止,苏联是危机期间安全理事会最活跃的成员:其代表作了13篇冗长的讲话。苏联讲话的总数和时长表明了这场危机在苏维埃人眼中的重要性:它正在积极努力影响巴勒斯坦局势的结果。逻辑上,争端的当事方以色列和阿拉伯国家将利用他们在安全理事会中的机会,责怪对方造成冲突。但是,苏联也可能因为继续使用侵略性言论而与这些政党放在一起,与安全理事会其他常任理事国相比,这是一个惊人的差异。苏联的讲话清楚地指出了有罪的政党,而苏联的讲话者公开表达了他们深刻理解该党的行动的无能。然而,在苏联讲话中巴勒斯坦危机的面貌并非完全是黑白的,而是出于政治和战略原因,其中包含灰色阴影。在苏联看来,也没有任何真正的无辜政党,当然除了苏联本身,它正在竭尽全力在场外公正地提供帮助。苏联关于巴勒斯坦危机的战略目标是破坏英国作为该地区最有影响力的行为者的地位。在以色列中,苏联人希望自己成为盟友,并成为中东的桥头堡。巴勒斯坦分裂造成的不稳定也偏爱苏联之手,因为它提供了向中东派遣谈判人员,检查员和维和人员的可能性,换句话说,这是将苏联部队部署到该地区的借口。但是,另一方面,苏联希望避免表现出对另一方的支持,实际上,与阿拉伯国家保持最佳条件是苏联的主要目标之一。这些潜在的目标在后台起作用,在很大程度上解释了苏联代表为什么选择他们在1948年5月和6月巴勒斯坦冲突初期在安全理事会会议上所做的特别措辞。%Palestiinan alueella在pian sadan vuoden ajan vallinnutjännittynytolotila上,joka在purkautunut useita kertoja paikallisina sotinasekämuina levottomuuksina jayleisenäyhteiskunnallisenaepävakautena上。您可以在网站上找到自己喜欢的网站,也可以在网站上找到自己的名字。 1948年,以色列司法部长朱利叶蒂米尼·泰因(Juistaautumiseen)着手其《尼采》(enistäiseksi)出版社。

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  • 来源
    《Faravid》 |2011年第2011期|137-160|共24页
  • 作者

    Kari Alenius;

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