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Cliticization feeds agreement: a view from Quechua

机译:批评达成共识:盖丘亚的观点

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Recent years have seen a surge in work on Person Hierarchy Effects (B,jar and Rezac 2009; Georgi 2011; Lochbihler 2009; Nevins 2007, 2011; Oxford 2014; Walkow 2009; Wiltschko 2008). In this paper, I analyze a curious case of such an effect which has been widely discussed in theoretical and descriptive work on the Quechua family (van de Kerke 1996; Lakamper and Wunderlich 1998; Milliken 1984; Muysken 1981; Weber 1976, 1989). In many Quechua languages, objects bearing the feature [Addressee] interact with subject agreement, but 1st person exclusive objects do not, even in the presence of a 3rd person subject. I dub this effect the [Addressee]-driven Subject Marking Anomaly (A-SMA), adapting the terminology of Weber (1976). After showing that object markers in Quechua languages are in fact object clitics, I argue that the A-SMA emerges from the interaction of cliticization with subject agreement: [Addressee] clitics raise above the subject in the clausal hierarchy, thus feeding agreement, but non-[Addressee] clitics do not. The analysis is extended to a related agreement effect involving plural objects in certain Bolivian and Argentine varieties of Quechua.
机译:近年来,有关人员层次结构效应的工作激增(B,jar和Rezac,2009; Georgi,2011; Lochbihler,2009; Nevins,2007,2011;牛津,2014; Wallow,2009; Wiltschko,2008)。在本文中,我分析了一种奇怪的情况,这种影响在有关盖丘亚族的理论和描述性工作中得到了广泛讨论(van de Kerke 1996; Lakamper and Wunderlich 1998; Milliken 1984; Muysken 1981; Weber 1976,1989)。在许多盖丘亚语语言中,带有[收件人]特征的对象与主体协议交互,但是即使存在第三人称主体,第一人称专有对象也不会交互。我将这种效应归因于[收件人]驱动的主题标记异常(A-SMA),采用了Weber(1976)的术语。在证明了盖丘亚语中的对象标记实际上是对象气候之后,我认为A-SMA来自于气候化与主题协议之间的相互作用:[收件人]气候在子句层级中升至主题之上,从而促进了协议的达成,但并非如此-[收件人]气候没有。分析扩展到涉及某些盖丘亚语玻利维亚和阿根廷品种中的复数对象的相关协议效应。

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