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Right-dislocation as deletion

机译：右错位删除

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While the left clausal periphery has been in the center of attention of syntactic theory since the 1970s, the right periphery remains comparatively ill-understood. The goal of this paper is to rectify this situation. We argue that Germanic right-dislocation constructions are composed of two juxtaposed clauses, the dislocated peripheral XP being a remnant of ellipsis in the second clause. This analysis explains the extra-sentential status of right-dislocated constituents while simultaneously accounting for signs of syntactic connectivity. These two seemingly conflicting facets are reconciled in a manner familiar from deletion-based accounts of sluicing and fragment answers, i.e. by attributing the relevant (apparent) grammatical interactions to parallel but silent clausal structure. We show that this analysis successfully derives the core properties of both backgrounded and focused ('afterthought') phrases at the right periphery, whereas monosentential movement or base-generation accounts necessarily fall short of accounting for the observed facts. The analysis not only eliminates a putative case of rightward movement, but shows that right-dislocation can be fully understood in terms of independently motivated computations, thereby removing constructional residue from the theory of Universal Grammar.
机译：自1970年代以来，左子句外围一直是句法理论的关注焦点，而右外围则相对而言仍不为人所理解。本文的目的是纠正这种情况。我们认为日耳曼语的右错位构造由两个并列的子句组成，错位的外围XP是第二子句中的省略号。该分析解释了右错位成分的句外状态，同时说明了句法连接的迹象。这两个看似相互矛盾的方面可以通过基于删除的水闸和片段答案的描述来调和，即通过将相关的（明显的）语法交互作用归因于平行但无声的子句结构。我们表明，该分析成功地推导出了右边缘的背景短语和重点短语（“事后思考”）的核心属性，而单义运动或基本代词必然不足以说明所观察到的事实。该分析不仅消除了假定的向右移动的情况，而且表明，根据独立动机的计算可以完全理解右位错，从而从通用语法理论中去除构造残差。

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