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首页> 外文OA文献 >Content and end-state-based alteration in the practice of political violence since the end of cold war: the difference between the terrorism of the cold war and the terrorism of al Qaeda: the rise of the 'transcendental terrorist'
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Content and end-state-based alteration in the practice of political violence since the end of cold war: the difference between the terrorism of the cold war and the terrorism of al Qaeda: the rise of the 'transcendental terrorist'

机译：自冷战结束以来政治暴力行为的内容和基于最终状态的改变：冷战恐怖主义与基地组织恐怖主义之间的区别：“超然恐怖分子”的崛起

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For more than two generations the world was defined in international political terms by the label, the Cold War. This phrase was shorthand for many phenomena, including the division of the East and West into two blocs and the ideologicallybased definition of said blocs. Whilst we cannot state that the whole of the world was divided in an iron-clad fashion into two separate camps – the neutral and nonaligned nations representing a sizeable constituency – the fact remains that for North America, Western Europe, the USSR and the Soviet controlled satellite nations, the bipolarity of the Cold War geostrategic environment had an overarching impact upon several areas of policy, including national security, foreign affairs, defence and attitudes to the use of force. The influence of the bipolar stand-off had a significant shaping effect with regard to how government was organised on both sides of the Iron Curtain and on the ways in which threat perceptions were managed and influenced national policies concerning security. Fundamentally, the effect can be summarised as follows:udInternally: National governments secured the law and order and domestic stability of their state system primarily through the agency of the police (or militia). These authorities were mandated to fight common crime and, in the West, to assist in the fight against terrorism. Additionally a threat was posed by the intelligence agents and subversives of the other bloc. As a result the domestic element of this threat was responded to with counter-intelligence agencies.udExternally: The threat of a conventional war (World War III) meant that the armed forces of each bloc had to prepare for a possible bloc on bloc conflict in which classic concepts of territorial defence against an outside aggressor were central. The external threat was dealt with fundamentally by means of intelligence. It was not adequate to simply prepare domestically for a war with the other bloc. To be able to deter and to prepare against the opposition it was necessary to gather pertinent information (intelligence) on the enemy. This intelligence could be either technical and military in nature – for example the nature and capabilities of a new piece of military equipment fielded by the opposing army – or political and economic, such as the inner workings and intentions of the enemy’s political elite, or government and the state given industrial sectors. This distinction led to the fact that each type of information was gathered by a separate authority, the former being military intelligence and the latter being civilian intelligence.
机译：超过两代人以国际政治术语冷战来定义世界。这个短语是许多现象的简写，包括将东西方划分为两个集团，以及该集团在意识形态上的定义。尽管我们不能说整个世界都以铁定的方式分为两个独立的阵营-中立国和不结盟国家代表了相当大的选民，但事实仍然是，北美，西欧，苏联和苏联控制了卫星国家，冷战地缘环境的两极分化对包括国家安全，外交事务，国防和使用武力的态度在内的若干政策领域产生了重大影响。在政府如何在铁幕的两侧组织以及如何管理威胁感知并影响有关安全的国家政策方面，双极僵局的影响具有重大的影响。从根本上讲，这种影响可以总结如下：在内部：各国政府主要通过警察（或民兵）机构确保法律和秩序以及其国家系统的国内稳定。这些当局的任务是打击常见罪行，并在西方国家协助打击恐怖主义。另外，另一集团的情报人员和颠覆分子也构成了威胁。结果，这种威胁的国内因素得到了反情报机构的回应。 ud外部：常规战争（第三次世界大战）的威胁意味着每个集团的武装部队都必须为可能发生集团冲突的集团做准备在这些理论中，针对外部侵略者的领土防御的经典概念至关重要。外部威胁从根本上通过情报处理。仅在国内为与另一集团的战争做准备是不够的。为了能够威慑并准备反对派，有必要收集有关敌人的情报（情报）。这种情报可能是技术和军事性质的（例如，敌军部署的新型军事装备的性质和能力），也可能是政治和经济方面的，例如敌人政治精英或政府的内部运作和意图和国家赋予工业部门。这种区别导致以下事实：每种信息都是由单独的机构收集的，前者是军事情报，后者是平民情报。

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    Gorka Sebestyén;

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