Responding to the call of contemporary political philosophy to locate ‘the political’ beyond the boundaries of formal citizenship (Balibar, 2004; Chatterjee, 2004; Rànciere, 2004), over the last few years researchers across various disciplines have devoted increasing attention to migrant and refugee protests and political mobilization (Tyler and Marciniak, 2013). Research in this area has thoroughly questioned paradigms of biopolitical exception, but also challenged widespread assumptions on the political agency of subaltern subjects as always associated with mundane, silent, and invisible practices. In this context, academic attention has been devoted significantly to Euro-American borderzones and spaces of enforcement, and, in the Global South, to refugee camps. Today however, evidence is growing that the vast majority of refugee and migrant populations are urbanized, and do not live in the West.ududBased on an 18-month ethnographic fieldwork, this thesis contributes to this growing body of work exploring the contested relations between refugees and humanitarian agencies in Cairo, Egypt. Theoretically, the analysis combines insights from assemblage geographies (De Landa, 2006; McFarlane, 2011) and critical development, refugee, and urban studies (Hyndman, 2001; Simone 2004a, 2004b; Elyachar, 2005; Duffield, 2007, 2011; Bayat, 2010; 2012; Hyndman and Giles, 2011). The empirical sections of the thesis are articulated around two main axes of inquiry. Part B – The Boundaries of Aid – looks at how refugees in Cairo engage with the spatial practices of humanitarian organizations, contesting their growing securitization and the boundaries and hierarchies that separate them from practitioners. Part C – Sociomaterial infrastructures: agency beyond resistance – focuses on the networks – encompassing human and non-human elements – which allow refugees to build relations of support, experience sociality, and organize politically autonomously from aid agencies.ududThe thesis puts forward a two-part argument. Not only do the struggles of refugees in Cairo challenge prevalent understanding of humanitarian aid as a domain of ‘depoliticization’, but they also question the distinction between everyday life and overt manifestations of ‘resistance’, contestation, and protest. Confronted with a complex and often violent system of humanitarian and urban governance, refugees in Cairo, I demonstrate, are able to mobilize a range of practices and position takings which problematize prevalent conceptualizations of resistance, and point to the need for rethinking questions of agency in conditions of structural violence.
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机译：为了回应当代政治哲学的号召，将“政治”定位于正式公民的界限之外（Balibar，2004； Chatterjee，2004；Rànciere，2004），在过去的几年中，各个学科的研究人员越来越关注移民和难民抗议和政治动员（Tyler和Marciniak，2013年）。在这一领域的研究已经彻底质疑了生物政治例外范式，但也挑战了关于次要主题的政治机构的普遍假设，因为这些假设总是与平凡，沉默和无形的实践有关。在这种情况下，学术上的注意力已集中在欧美边境地区和执法场所，以及在全球南方，主要集中在难民营。但是，今天，越来越多的证据表明，绝大多数难民和移民人口已经城市化，并且不居住在西方。 ud ud基于18个月的人种志田野调查，本论文为探索这一有争议的问题的不断发展的工作做出了贡献埃及开罗的难民与人道主义机构之间的关系。从理论上讲，该分析结合了来自集合地域（De Landa，2006； McFarlane，2011）和关键发展，难民和城市研究（Hyndman，2001； Simone 2004a，2004b； Elyachar，2005； Duffield，2007，2011； Bayat， 2010年； 2012年； Hyndman和Giles，2011年）。本文的实证部分围绕两个主要的研究轴进行阐述。 B部分–援助的边界–考察开罗的难民如何与人道主义组织的空间实践互动，对抗其日益增长的证券化以及将其与实践者区分开的边界和等级制度。 C部分–社会材料基础设施：超越抵抗力的机构–着重于网络–涵盖人类和非人类因素–允许难民与援助机构建立支持关系，体验社会关系并在政治上自主地组织起来。 ud ud本文提出一个分为两部分的论点。开罗难民的斗争不仅挑战了对人道主义援助作为“非政治化”领域的普遍理解，而且还质疑日常生活与“抵抗”，争斗和抗议的明显表现之间的区别。我证明，开罗的难民面对着复杂的，经常是暴力的人道主义和城市治理制度，能够调动一系列做法和立场，这对普遍的抵抗概念提出了质疑，并指出有必要重新考虑在伊拉克的代理问题。结构性暴力的条件。
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