• 主题
高级搜索  >
历史搜索 清空历史
首页> 外文学位 >Electoral freedom and institution building: Expectations of progress towards democratic consolidation in Ethiopia, 1991--2007.
【24h】

Electoral freedom and institution building: Expectations of progress towards democratic consolidation in Ethiopia, 1991--2007.

机译：选举自由与体制建设：埃塞俄比亚在民主巩固方面取得进展的期望，1991--2007。

获取原文
获取原文并翻译 | 示例
页面导航
  • 摘要
  • 著录项
  • 相似文献
  • 相关主题

摘要

Scholarly attention on the global progress and measurement of democratic consolidation has recently included assessing the experience of the African states. Yet, more than a decade after the third wave of global democratization broke in Africa's shore there is still a dispute over the degree of political freedom and democracy extended to any given state. For example, in Ethiopia seventeen years after the violent coup d'etat that toppled the monarchy, the transition from military dictatorship to what was hoped to be "democratic rule" was officially celebrated in 1991.; In spite of that, scholars continue to discuss the country's chances and conditions for successful consolidation into the future. For some scholars the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) now operates within a constitutional framework that possesses all the universally recognized characteristics of a democratic system. For others, the government has not been democratic, although they have been so proclaimed to satisfy the standards that the donor community applies to post-conflict states of Africa.; Nowhere was the debate more manifested than in the attempt of the Tigrayan Peoples Liberation Front/Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (TPLF/EPRDF) led government of Ethiopia to take away the civil and political rights of its citizens after the May 15, 2005 election. For example, during this election, twenty-six million Ethiopians cast their ballots and, in the capital city alone, the voters chose the opposition party for 23 out of 24 seats. Yet, on the day of the vote, perhaps sensing defeat, the EPRDF claimed victory before half of the votes for parliamentary seats were counted, and it declared a state of emergency.; Subsequently, most of the opposition leaders and the elected members of parliament were sent to prison for "violating the constitution" a crime of outrage against the constitution and the constitutional order, while others were charged with treason and attempted genocide. When citizens took to the streets to show support for the arrested opposition members of parliament, they faced militia soldiers armed with live bullets. Some of the defendants stated that they were merely exercising their constitutional rights for free speech and the right to assemble. Certainly, the constitution prohibits, among other things, denial of the right to assemble, denial of the right of free speech, denial of a fair trial, denial of life itself and, generally speaking, the supremacy of the state (individuals with power, that is) over the constitution. Recently, in its March 6, 2007 report, the US Department of State, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor concluded "It is really amazing how much and how long a farce can be propagated...."; Therefore, the democratization effort in Africa raises one fundamental question: what are the prospects for the consolidation of democracy in Africa? Within this debate there is the question of how to assess when any given state has consolidated its regime, as opposed to continuing its transition from authoritarianism towards democracy. In other words, does electoral or formal political democratization constitute a path to the consolidation of democracy? What do we mean by consolidation and how do we judge a consolidated democracy? Using the period 1991-2007, the tenure of the EPRDF, I present in this dissertation a salient and unique case study in African democratic consolidation. Specifically, I will determine the degree to which the regime of the TPLF-led EPRDF furthered or inhibited the progress toward democracy.; After examining the institutional measures of democracy, including the constitutional limits on government; equality before the law; fair, free and open elections; majority rule and minority rights; the sovereignty of the people; and political parties, I suggest that the government is deemed "successful" in satisfying the standards that the donor community applies to African states. In realit
机译：学术界对全球进步和民主巩固衡量的关注最近包括评估非洲国家的经验。然而，在第三波全球民主化浪潮席卷非洲之后，十多年来，关于政治自由和民主扩展到任何特定州的程度仍存在争议。例如，在埃塞俄比亚推翻君主制的暴力政变十七年后，1991年正式庆祝从军事独裁政权过渡到希望成为“民主统治”的过渡。尽管如此，学者们仍在继续讨论该国成功整合到未来的机会和条件。对于某些学者而言，埃塞俄比亚联邦民主共和国（FDRE）现在在一个宪法框架内运作，该宪法框架具有民主制度的所有公认特征。对于其他人来说，政府并不是民主的，尽管它已被宣称满足捐助国适用于冲突后非洲国家的标准。在2005年5月15日大选之后，提格拉扬人民解放阵线/埃塞俄比亚人民革命民主阵线（TPLF / EPRDF）试图领导埃塞俄比亚政府剥夺其公民的公民和政治权利的尝试，没有比这更能体现这一辩论了。例如，在这次选举中，有2,600万埃塞俄比亚人投票，仅在首都，选民就从24个席位中选出23个反对党。然而，在投票当天，也许是在感到失败的情况下，EPRDF宣布获胜，然后才计算出议会席位的一半票，并宣布进入紧急状态。随后，大多数反对派领导人和议会当选议员因“违反宪法”被指控犯有对宪法和宪法秩序的暴行罪，而其他人则被控叛国罪和未遂种族灭绝罪。当公民走上街头对被捕的反对派议员表示支持时，他们面对了手持实弹的民兵。一些被告表示，他们只是行使言论自由和集会权的宪法权利。当然，宪法尤其禁止禁止集会权，言论自由权，公正审判权，生命本身以及一般说来，国家至高无上的权利（有权力的个人，就是在宪法上。最近，美国国务院，民主，人权和劳工局在其2007年3月6日的报告中得出结论：“真是令人惊讶，可以传播多少和多长时间？”。因此，非洲的民主化努力提出了一个基本问题：巩固非洲民主的前景如何？在这场辩论中，存在着一个问题，即如何评估任何给定国家何时巩固了其政权，而不是继续其从威权主义向民主的过渡。换句话说，选举或正式的政治民主化是否构成巩固民主的道路？我们所说的巩固是什么意思，我们如何判断巩固的民主？我使用1991-2007年（EPRDF）的任期，在本文中提出了非洲民主巩固方面的一个重要而独特的案例研究。具体来说，我将确定由TPLF领导的EPRDF政权进一步或抑制民主进程的程度。在审查了民主制度性措施之后，包括对政府的宪法限制；法律面前的平等；公平，自由和公开的选举；多数统治和少数权利；人民的主权；和政党，我建议政府被视为“成功”满足捐助者团体对非洲国家适用的标准。现实中

著录项

相似文献

  • 外文文献
  • 中文文献
获取原文

客服邮箱：kefu@zhangqiaokeyan.com

京公网安备：11010802029741号 ICP备案号：京ICP备15016152号-6 六维联合信息科技 (北京) 有限公司©版权所有

  • 客服微信

  • 服务号