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Counter-terror Ideology: The Community Relations Commission and the Provisional Irish Republican Army, 1969-1979.

机译:反恐意识形态:1969-1979年,社区关系委员会和爱尔兰临时共和军。

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摘要

This dissertation explores the relationship between working-class nationalists, the IRA and the state in Ulster. I treat terrorism and terrorists as social constructions, and argue that the state adopted an ideological approach to counter terrorism which reflected a particular way of defining it and prescribed a straightforward solution. "Counter-terror ideology," as I describe it, is a widely transferable, state ideology that fetishizes non-state violence, treats terrorism as irrational, apolitical, and a security problem, rather than a socio-political one. Though the security first solution it prescribes is historically ineffective, governments consistently re-invest in it because it serves ruling class interests by enabling governments to define political violence as a straightforward security problem, thus pushing a host of disconcerting social questions to one side, and obfuscating the need for reform, in the face of an all-consuming moral imperative to physically eliminate terrorists.;Early chapters focus on the state and the "community relations" aspect of its war against the IRA. In 1969, under enormous pressure, the Belfast regime created the "Community Relations Commission," charged with finding ways of healing Northern Irish society. The Commission rejected counter-terror ideology and fought a losing battle to make the Government acknowledge the great harm the security approach was doing and to address the "troubles" as a set of socio-political problems. The Commission drew enormous hostility from the government, vividly demonstrating the depth and power of counter-terror ideology, and the state's inability to countenance even moderate alternative views.;Later chapters address the relationship between the IRA and working-class nationalist communities. The state represented IRA Volunteers as gangsters who simply terrorized their neighbors. The IRA was, however, an integral part of these neighborhoods and its relationship with the broader community was more complex. Chapters 4-6 attempt to recreate aspects of this relationship as they were experienced on the ground---not as they were supposed to have been experienced according to counter-terror ideology. These include collective experiences of state violence, the IRA's role in intra-communal conflict, various services it provided and its policing of internal crime.
机译:本文探讨了工人阶级民族主义者,爱尔兰共和军和阿尔斯特州之间的关系。我将恐怖主义和恐怖分子视为社会建构,并认为国家采取了一种意识形态方法来打击恐怖主义,这反映了一种定义恐怖主义的特殊方式并规定了直接解决方案。正如我所描述的那样,“反恐意识形态”是一种可广泛传播的国家意识形态,它迷恋非国家暴力,将恐怖主义视为非理性,非政治和安全问题,而不是社会政治问题。尽管它规定的“安全第一”解决方案在历史上是无效的,但政府始终如一地对其进行重新投资,因为它使政府将政治暴力定义为直接的安全问题,从而维护了统治阶级的利益,从而将一系列令人不安的社会问题推到了一边,并且面对彻底消灭恐怖主义分子的种种道德要求,使改革的必要性变得模糊。早期各章着重论述了国家及其针对IRA的战争的“社区关系”方面。 1969年,在巨大压力下,贝尔法斯特政权成立了“社区关系委员会”,负责寻找治愈北爱尔兰社会的方法。委员会拒绝了反恐意识形态,并进行了一场失败的战斗,以使政府承认安全方法正在造成的巨大伤害,并将“麻烦”作为一系列社会政治问题加以解决。该委员会引起了政府的极大敌视,生动地展示了反恐意识形态的深度和力量,以及该国无力容忍甚至温和的另类观点。后来的章节论述了爱尔兰共和军与工人阶级民族主义社区之间的关系。该州将IRA志愿者表示为represented徒,他们只是恐吓邻居。但是,爱尔兰共和军是这些社区的组成部分,它与广大社区的关系更加复杂。第4-6章试图重建这种关系的某些方面,就像在地面上所经历的那样,而不是按照反恐意识形态所应该经历的那样。其中包括集体暴力经历,IRA在社区内部冲突中的作用,其提供的各种服务以及对内部犯罪的治安。

著录项

  • 作者

    Morgan, Jason Thomas.;

  • 作者单位

    Carnegie Mellon University.;

  • 授予单位 Carnegie Mellon University.;
  • 学科 History European.;Political Science General.;History Modern.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2011
  • 页码 353 p.
  • 总页数 353
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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