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Television, governance and social change: Media policy through India's first half-century of independence (Rajiv Gandhi).

机译:电视,治理和社会变革:印度上半个独立世纪以来的媒体政策(拉吉夫·甘地)。

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摘要

Analysis of the Government of India's laws and policies regarding television (Doordarshan) provides insight into the concrete realities, rather than professed goals, of India's nation-building in the context of phenomenal class disparities, cultural pluralism and multilingualism. I first explore the development communications paradigm on which Doordarshan was predicated and the evolution of the legal infrastructure into which it emerged in 1959. Chapter 3 examines India's adoption of the development communications paradigm to justify early television experiments, including the largest ever undertaken, the Satellite Instructional Television Experiment of 1975–76. I then turn to the period of greatest threat to democratic media practice in India, the Emergency of 1975–77; the unsuccessful reforms of the Janata interregnum; and the politically driven investment in television made by Mrs. Gandhi upon her return to power. I then examine the unintended consequences of this governmental media monopoly, including the politicization of news programming under Rajiv Gandhi, making television a contentious political issue in the 1989 Lok Sabha (Parliamentary) elections; and the implication of Doordarshan in the rise of communal politics (through state-sponsored serialization of major Indian epics), in increasing consumerism, and in exacerbation of regional anti-Centre sentiments. The final chapter examines the end of the government's monopoly over the airwaves due to the advent of transnational satellite television and the growth of cable systems, and India's attempts to govern these technologies. Based on archival data, memoirs, government documents and numerous interviews with politicians, television officials, producers, advertisers and legal experts, I demonstrate how the development communications paradigm rationalized a governmental television monopoly that was politicized, centralized and hierarchical, creating a widening gap between government rhetoric and programming realities. The result has been a series of lost opportunities, in which Doordarshan undermines its greatest strengths: its wide reach, greater than that of any transnational broadcaster; its public, rather than commercial, rationale; and its extensive infrastructure that, unlike any satellite channel, could contextualize programming for local and regional informational and language needs.
机译:对印度政府有关电视的法律和政策(杜达山)的分析提供了洞悉阶级差异,文化多元性和多种语言背景下印度国家建设的具体现实而非宣称的目标的见识。首先,我探讨了Doordarshan所基于的发展通信范式以及1959年出现的法律基础设施的演变。第3章研究了印度采用发展通信范式来证明早期电视实验的合理性,其中包括有史以来进行的最大的卫星实验1975-76年的教学电视实验。然后,我转向对印度民主媒体实践的最大威胁的时期,即1975-77年的紧急状态; Janata interregnum的改革失败;以及甘地夫人执政后在政治上对电视的投资。然后,我研究了这种政府媒体垄断的意外后果,包括拉吉夫·甘地(Rajiv Gandhi)领导下的新闻节目政治化,使电视成为1989年Lob Sabha(议会)选举中有争议的政治问题;以及Doordarshan对社区政治的崛起(通过国家资助的主要印度史诗的系列化),日益增长的消费主义以及加剧区域反中心情绪的影响。最后一章探讨了由于跨国卫星电视的出现和有线系统的增长,以及印度对这些技术的治理,政府对电波的垄断结束了。基于档案数据,回忆录,政府文件以及对政治家,电视官员,制片人,广告商和法律专家的大量采访,我展示了发展传播范式如何合理化了政治化,集中化和等级化的政府电视垄断,从而拉大了两者之间的差距政府的言论和程序设计现实。结果是一系列失去的机会,Doordarshan破坏了它的最大优势:其广泛的影响力,超过了任何跨国广播公司;其公开而非商业理由;以及其广泛的基础设施,与任何卫星频道不同,它可以根据当地和地区的信息和语言需求将节目情境化。

著录项

  • 作者

    Farmer, Victoria Lynn.;

  • 作者单位

    University of Pennsylvania.;

  • 授予单位 University of Pennsylvania.;
  • 学科 Political Science General.; Mass Communications.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2003
  • 页码 246 p.
  • 总页数 246
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 政治理论;传播理论;
  • 关键词

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