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US decision making on missile defense.

机译：美国在导弹防御方面的决策。

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摘要

The world entered the nuclear age in 1945 when the United States first acquired nuclear capability. The United States enjoyed a strategic monopoly but only for a couple of years until the Soviet Union tested its nuclear device in 1949. Since then, the United Kingdom, France, and China joined the exclusive nuclear club, and the threat of nuclear weapons has become one of the most daunting challenges of the world. Almost immediately after the United States developed nuclear weapons in the 1940s, it began to explore a way to destroy an incoming nuclear warhead before it reached its target in the United States in order to negate the dangers of nuclear weapons.;Smaller scale threats coming from the Third World or rogue states and possibly terrorist organizations are serious factors to be reckoned with, but the nuclear threat from the Soviets was the backbone of US strategic thinking after WWII and until the late 1980s and early 1990s. During the long history of missile defense, the strategic environment experienced fundamental shifts, the most significant being the end of the Cold War. Nevertheless, the United States has shown rather consistent support for missile defense. Missile defense policy changes were seen but they did not coincide with the rise or fall of the Soviet threat. This is the central research question of this study: how has US missile defense policy been able to survive for decades despite fundamental changes in the security environment?;The main interest of this study is the decision making process. Essentially, this study attempts to discover the central force behind US missile defense policy. In this effort, this study proposes three competing perspectives: the security perspective, the bureaucratic politics perspective, and the congressional perspective. Was it the external security factor? Was it the executive branch of the US government? Or was it Congress that brought about the policy decisions? This study argues that new strategic developments play an extremely important role in triggering policy changes, but Congress was instrumental in materializing missile defense policy changes.
机译：1945年，美国首次获得核能力，世界进入了核时代。美国享有战略垄断地位，但直到苏联在1949年对其核装置进行试验之前，只有几年时间。从那时起，英国，法国和中国加入了独家核俱乐部，核武器的威胁已成为世界上最艰巨的挑战之一。美国在1940年代研发核武器后几乎立刻就开始探索一种方法，以在它到达美国目标之前销毁即将来临的核弹头，以消除核武器的危险。第三世界或流氓国家以及可能的恐怖组织是一个不容忽视的严重因素，但苏维埃的核威胁是第二次世界大战后至1980年代末至1990年代初美国战略思想的支柱。在漫长的导弹防御历史上，战略环境发生了根本变化，最重要的是冷战的结束。尽管如此，美国对导弹防御显示出相当一致的支持。看到了导弹防御政策的变化，但与苏联威胁的上升或下降并不吻合。这是本研究的核心研究问题：尽管安全环境发生了根本变化，美国导弹防御政策如何能够生存数十年？；本研究的主要兴趣是决策过程。本质上，这项研究试图发现美国导弹防御政策背后的核心力量。在这项工作中，本研究提出了三种相互竞争的观点：安全观点，官僚政治观点和国会观点。是外部安全因素吗？它是美国政府的行政部门吗？还是国会做出了政策决定？这项研究认为，新的战略发展在触发政策变化方面起着极其重要的作用，但是国会在实现导弹防御政策变化方面发挥了作用。

著录项

  • 作者

    Cho, Yeonmin.;

  • 作者单位

    University of Pittsburgh.;

  • 授予单位 University of Pittsburgh.;
  • 学科 Political Science International Law and Relations.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2009
  • 页码 339 p.
  • 总页数 339
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 国际法;
  • 关键词

  • 入库时间 2022-08-17 11:38:25

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