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首页> 外文期刊>Open Journal of Modern Linguistics >Why Island Constraint Is Weaker in Japanese than in English: A Processing Perspective
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Why Island Constraint Is Weaker in Japanese than in English: A Processing Perspective

机译：为什么岛屿约束的日语弱于英语：从处理角度看

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摘要

The constraints on discontinuous dependency in a sentence have been discussed as “island constraint”. Island phenomenon can be observed in many languages; however, while the island effect is quite noticeable in English, it seems obscure in Japanese. This study thus experimentally evaluates the strength of island effect in Japanese complex sentences quantitatively and demonstrates that the island effect in Japanese is weaker than that in English. Furthermore, we attempt to attribute the difference in the strength of the island effect in these two languages to their processing characteristics; that is, the syntactic relationship between two discontinuous elements in English must be computed at the head of an island, with one of the two elements unreceived, while the syntactic computation at the head of an island in Japanese is performed with both elements received. We assume that the processing of discontinuous dependency is thus more costly in English than in Japanese, and that the strong island effect in English reflects the relative difficulty of the syntactic computation. We obtained evidence for our hypothesis from an experiment asking participants to make grammatical judgments on Japanese sentences in which we manipulated their word-order in three ways. We suggest that part of the apparent syntactic phenomenon can be attributed to processing factors.
机译：句子中对不连续依存关系的约束已被称为“岛屿约束”。岛现象可以用多种语言观察到。但是，尽管英语中的岛效应相当明显，但日语中的岛效应却晦涩难懂。因此，本研究通过实验评估了日语复杂句子中岛效应的强度，并证明日语中的岛效应比英语中的弱。此外，我们试图将这两种语言的孤岛效应强度差异归因于它们的处理特性。也就是说，英语中两个不连续元素之间的句法关系必须在一个岛的开头计算，而这两个元素之一没有被接收，而日语中一个岛的开头的句法计算是在接收到两个元素的情况下进行的。我们假设不连续依赖的处理因此在英语中比在日语中花费更大，并且英语中的强岛效应反映了句法计算的相对难度。我们从一项要求参与者对日语句子进行语法判断的实验中获得了关于我们的假设的证据，在该句子中我们以三种方式操纵了他们的单词顺序。我们建议表观句法现象的一部分可以归因于处理因素。

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