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To what extent is the UK's anti-money laundering and asset recovery regime used against organised crime?

机译:英国的反洗钱和资产追回制度在多大程度上用于打击有组织犯罪?

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Purpose – Politicians justified the introduction of the illiberal and liberal parts of the UK's anti-money laundering and asset recovery regime by reference to the extra-ordinary threat posed by organised crime. This paper attempts to evaluate the extent to which the financial measures contained in the Proceeds of Crime Act (POCA) 2002 and the Serious and Organised Crime and Policing Act 2005 are actually used against this threat. Design/methodology/approach – The objective is achieved by reference to four distinct datasets found on the use of these measures. The first consists of the regular, usually monthly, bulletins on the Proceeds of Crime produced by the Assets Recovery Agency (ARA). The second – which reveals the length of sentences given to those convicted of money laundering offences under the POCA – was gathered from the Financial Action Task Force, the Home Office and Justice Office in Scotland. The third consists of the value of the cases which had been, and which were being, dealt with by the ARA at the time the National Audit Office produced it's report on the institution. The fourth is the number of financial reporting orders which have been imposed upon criminals, follows the discovery of an earlier version whilst examining parliamentary records. Findings – The triangulated results suggest that the POCA powers – originally used by use against organised crime – were used against this alleged threat only on a small minority and number of occasions. Research limitations/implications – This infrequent use raises major questions of either the ability of the policing agencies including the Serious and Organised Crime Agency to take on organised crime and/or the credibility of those who exaggerated a threat of organised crime to justify the (often illiberal) powers. Originality/value – This paper questions whether the POCA will achieve one of its original aims. It will interest politicians and practitioners concerned with the combating of organised crime and/or anti-money laundering and asset recovery as well as criminologists and those interested in civil liberties.
机译:目的–政客通过提及有组织犯罪所构成的非凡威胁,证明了英国反洗钱和资产追回制度中的自由和自由部分的引入是合理的。本文试图评估20​​02年《犯罪收益法》(POCA)和《 2005年严重和有组织犯罪与警务法》所包含的财务措施在多大程度上实际用于应对这种威胁。设计/方法/方法–通过参考使用这些度量发现的四个不同的数据集来实现目标。首先是由资产追回局(ARA)制作的关于犯罪收益的定期公告,通常是每月公告。第二个是从苏格兰金融行动特别工作组,英国内政部和司法办公室收集来的,揭示了根据POCA对被判洗钱罪定罪者的刑期。第三部分是在国家审计署编制有关该机构的报告时,ARA已经处理和正在处理的案件的价值。第四是在检查议会记录时发现较早版本之后,对罪犯施加的财务报告命令的数量。调查结果–三角化结果表明,最初用于打击有组织犯罪的POCA权力仅在少数情况下和少数情况下才用于对抗这种所谓的威胁。研究的局限性/含意-这种不常使用的现象引起了以下重大问题:包括严重和有组织犯罪局在内的警务机构应对有组织犯罪的能力和/或夸大了有组织犯罪威胁的人的可信度,以证明(通常自由)权力。原创性/价值–本文质疑POCA是否会实现其最初目标之一。它将关注与打击有组织犯罪和/或反洗钱及资产追回有关的政治家和从业人员,以及犯罪学家和对公民自由感兴趣的人。

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