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首页> 外文期刊>Local environment >Environmental justice as a (potentially) hegemonic concept: a historical look at competing interests between the MST and indigenous people in Brazil
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Environmental justice as a (potentially) hegemonic concept: a historical look at competing interests between the MST and indigenous people in Brazil

机译：环境正义作为（潜在的）霸权概念：历史看看巴西MST和土着人民之间的竞争利益

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This article explores the need to recognise and compensate the plurality of environmental justice claims, while paying close attention to the outcomes of the most marginalised groups - cultural and ecological - in political decision-making to avoid vestiges of hegemony. The early history of the Movimiento dos Trabalhadores Rurais sem Terra (MST) serves as a case study in which environmental justice claims clash with indigenous rights claims. In recent decades, the MST has refused settling Amazonian indigenous territories, consistent with the organisation's Via Campesina platform, which focuses on redistributing the 50% of national territory controlled privately by Brazil's richest 4%. Yet, in the 1970s and early 1980s, Brazil's military government pitted landless peasants and indigenous people's struggles against each other, circumventing land reform potentially disruptive to the country's de facto colonial fazenda land system. This tactic pressured competing groups - landless peasants and indigenous people - to fight against each other, concluding predictably: the most powerful factions ended up getting their way, conceding less in negotiations than their less-advantageously positioned, marginalised counterparts. When marginalised groups gain concessions in environmental justice struggles, often the goods comprising those concessions come at a cost to marginalised groups with even less political visibility. Hegemonic structures of power remain non-negotiable in the process of alleviating other injustices in perceived zero-sum politics. Such systemic displacement and dispersion of violence in systems built on violence suggests hegemony affects not just to other marginalised groups, but to nonhumans too.
机译：本文探讨了识别和弥补了多个环境司法索赔的必要性，同时密切关注最边缘化的群体的结果 - 文化和生态学 - 在政治决策中，以避免霸权的遗迹。 Movimiento Dos Trabalhadores Rurais SEM Terra（MST）的早期历史是作为一个案例研究，其中环境司法索赔与土着权利索赔发生冲突。近几十年来，MST拒绝解决亚马逊土着领土，符合本组织的坎迪纳平台，该平台侧重于将巴西最富有的私人控制的50％的国家领土控制。然而，在20世纪70年代和20世纪80年代初，巴西的军事政府停滞不前农民和土着人民互相努力，旨在妨碍土地改革可能对该国的事实上的殖民地荒地土地系统破坏了。这种策略压迫竞争团体 - 无价值的农民和土着人民 - 相互抗击，得出可预测的：最有力的派系最终得到了他们的方式，否决谈判少于他们的少有利地定位，边缘化的对应。当边缘化群体在环境正义斗争中获得让步时，包括这些优惠的商品通常以边缘化群体的成本降低，甚至更少的政治知名度。在减轻感知零和政治中缓解其他不公正的过程中，霸权的力量仍然是不可谈判的。根据暴力制造的系统中暴力和暴力的这种系统位移和分散表明霸权影响其他边缘化群体，而是对非人而言也会影响。

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