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The democratic problem of the white citizen.

机译:白人公民的民主问题。

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The central question of this dissertation is how to expand popular participation in politics in a society that has been historically marked by racial discrimination. Challenging the common assumption that racial discrimination contradicts American democratic ideals, it argues that democracy and racism are actually intimately connected in American history. This connection is sealed through citizenship. American citizenship is valuable not only for the rights it grants but the standing it confers. Given the dialectical relationship between citizenship and slavery in the United States, such standing is racialized. White citizenship, then, is a position of racial standing in a democratic polity. It is simultaneously a category of equality and privilege: equal to all (white) citizens, superior to everyone else. The democratic problem of the white citizen is that the tension between the desire for equality and the desire to maintain one's racial status results in a narrow political imagination that exhibits little incentive to expand democratic participation because it construes citizenship as an identity to possess rather than a power to employ. This problem continues even after the civil rights movement, as whiteness becomes less a form of standing and more a norm that sediments accrued white advantages into the ordinary operations of society. The expansion of democratic participation, then, implies subverting the connection between racial standing and citizenship. Since whiteness is not a biological or cultural category but a form of power, this amounts to the abolition of the white citizen as a social category, much like capitalism abolished the aristocracy and the Civil War abolished the slaveholders. Just as these events paved the way for new political regimes such as representative democracy and Radical Reconstruction, abolishing the white citizen through policies and programs that eradicate whites' social, political, and economic advantages paves the way for new democratic possibilities and new forms of self-identity. An “abolitionist-democratic” politics, the dissertation concludes, holds greater potential for expanding democratic participation than colorblindness or multiculturalism.
机译:本文的中心问题是如何在一个历史上以种族歧视为特征的社会中扩大民众对政治的参与。挑战种族歧视与美国民主理想相矛盾的普遍假设,它认为民主与种族主义实际上在美国历史上有着密切的联系。这种联系通过公民身份来密封。美国公民身份不仅对它所授予的权利而且对它所赋予的地位都是宝贵的。考虑到美国公民权与奴隶制之间的辩证关系,这种立场会种族化。因此,白人公民身份是民主政体中的种族地位。同时,它是平等与特权的范畴:等于所有(白人)公民,高于其他所有人。白人公民的民主问题是,在平等渴望与维持种族地位的渴望之间的紧张关系导致狭窄的政治想象力,几乎没有动力扩大民主参与,因为这将公民身份视为一种拥有而不是拥有的身份。雇用的权力。这个问题甚至在民权运动之后仍然存在,因为白人不再是一种常备的形式,而更多的是一种将积累的白人利益沉淀到社会的正常运作中的规范。因此,民主参与的扩大意味着颠覆了种族地位与公民身份之间的联系。由于白人不是一种生物或文化范畴,而是一种权力形式,因此,这相当于白人作为社会范畴的“废除”(斜体),就像资本主义废除了贵族制和南北战争废除了奴隶主一样。这些事件为代议制民主和彻底重建等新的政治体制铺平了道路,通过消除白人的社会,政治和经济优势的政策和计划废除了白人,为新的民主可能性和新的自我形态铺平了道路。 -身份。论文得出的结论是,“废奴主义-民主”政治比色盲或多元文化主义具有更大的扩大民主参与的潜力。

著录项

  • 作者

    Olson, Joel Karleton.;

  • 作者单位

    University of Minnesota.;

  • 授予单位 University of Minnesota.;
  • 学科 Political Science General.; Philosophy.; History Black.; American Studies.; Sociology Ethnic and Racial Studies.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2001
  • 页码 263 p.
  • 总页数 263
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 政治理论;哲学理论;非洲史;民族学;
  • 关键词

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