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首页> 外文期刊>Urban affairs review >The Rise of Wage Theft Laws: Can Community-Labor Coalitions Win Victories in State Houses?
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The Rise of Wage Theft Laws: Can Community-Labor Coalitions Win Victories in State Houses?

机译：工资盗窃法的兴起：社区劳动联盟能否在州议会赢得胜利？

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摘要

Seeking regulatory power unavailable at the urban scale, community-labor coalitions have persuaded dozens of state legislatures to enact legislation addressing the problem of wage theft in low-wage service industries. The project of wage theft reform raises important questions about whether urban coalitions can effectively pursue their advocacy goals in State Houses. Drawing on an inventory of 255 wage theft laws proposed between 2004 and 2012, we evaluate three rival explanations of why wage theft legislation succeeds: worker grievances, political conditions, and movement strength. We find that states with larger numbers of worker centers and higher union density are more likely to both propose and enact wage theft legislation. Our results also suggest that urban reform movements maintain greater power to set legislative agendas than they do to ensure the passage of proposed laws. This suggest that new labor actors have developed state-level political power that warrants further scrutiny and explanation.
机译：由于缺乏城市规模的监管权力，社区劳动联盟说服了数十个州立法机构制定了解决低工资服务行业工资盗窃问题的立法。工资盗窃改革项目提出了一个重要的问题，即城市联盟是否可以在州议会大厦内有效地实现其倡导目标。根据2004年至2012年之间提出的255条盗窃法律的清单，我们评估了有关工资盗窃立法成功的三个对立解释：工人的不满，政治条件和迁徙力量。我们发现，工人中心数量较多且工会密度较高的州更可能提出并颁布工资盗用立法。我们的研究结果还表明，与确保拟议法律获得通过相比，城市改革运动在制定立法议程方面拥有更大的权力。这表明新的劳工行为体已经发展了州一级的政治权力，需要进一步的审查和解释。

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