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Amnestying Superiority Violations: Processing Multiple Questions

机译：赦免优越性：处理多个问题

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摘要

Two experiments investigated the acceptability of multiple questions. As expected, sentences violating the Superiority Condition were accepted less often than sentences obeying it. The status of the Superiority violations was not improved by the addition of a third wh, regardless of whether the third wh was an adjunct or an argument, though it was improved by the addition of a second question (e.g., and when). Further, in a small pilot study directly comparing a sentence with adjacent final wh-phrases that may induce a stress clash (I’d like to know who hid it where when) with a sentence violating Superiority but avoiding the final adjacent wh-phrases (I’d like to know where who hid it when), half the participants indicated that the Superiority violation sentence sounded better. This suggests that the status of some additional-wh sentences may appear to improve simply because the comparison sentence with adjacent final wh-phrases is degraded. Overall, the results of the studies suggest that there is no need to complicate syntactic theory to account for the additional-wh effect, because there is no general additional-wh effect.
机译：两项实验研究了多个问题的可接受性。不出所料，违反优势条件的句子比服从优势条件的句子被接受的频率更低。尽管增加了第二个问题（例如，何时），但增加了第三个Wh并没有改善违反优越性的状态，尽管第三个Wh是辅助语还是论点。此外，在一项小型先导研究中，直接将一个句子与可能导致重音冲突的相邻最终短语（我想知道是谁将其隐藏在何时）与违反优越性但避免使用最终相邻短语的句子（我想知道谁在什么时候隐藏了它），一半的参与者指出，优越性违规的句子听起来更好。这表明，某些额外的-wh句子的状态可能看起来有所改善，这仅仅是因为具有相邻最终wh短语的比较句子被降级了。总体而言，研究结果表明，不需要复杂的句法理论来说明“附加-h”效应，因为没有一般的附加-hh效应。

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