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Amnestying Superiority Violations: Processing Multiple Questions

机译：赦免优越性：处理多个问题

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摘要

Two experiments investigated the acceptability of multiple questions. As expected, sentences violating the Superiority Condition were accepted less often than sentences obeying it.The status of the Superiority violations was not improved by the addition of a third wh, regardless of whether the third wh was an adjunct or an argument, though it was improved by the addition of a second question (e.g., and when).Further, in a small pilot study directly comparing a sentence with adjacent final wh-phrases that may induce a stress clash (I'd like to know who hid it where when) with a sentence violating Superiority but avoiding the final adjacent wh-phrases (I'd like to know where who hid it when), half the participants indicated that the Superiority violation sentence sounded better.This suggests that the status of some additional-whsentences may appear to improve simply because the comparison sentence with adjacent final wh-phrases is degraded.Overall, the results of the studies suggest that there is no need to complicate syntactic theory to account for the additional-wh effect, because there is no general additional-wh effect.
机译：两项实验研究了多个问题的可接受性。正如预期的那样，违反优先条件的句子比服从优先条件的句子被接受的频率更低。通过添加第三个Wh并不能改善优越性侵犯的状态，无论第三个Wh是辅助词还是论点，尽管通过添加第二个问题（例如，何时）来改进。此外，在一项小型先导研究中，直接将句子与可能引起重音冲突的相邻最终短语进行比较（我想知道是什么时候将其隐藏在哪里） ）的句子违反了优越性，但避免了最后的相邻短语（我想知道谁在什么时候将其隐藏在哪里），一半的参与者表示违反优越性的句子听起来更好，这表明某些附加句子的状态总的来说，研究结果表明，无需使句法理论复杂化即可解释广告分配-hh效果，因为没有一般的附加-hh效果。

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